A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P R S T U V W X Z

History of the Philippine Islands Vols 1 and 2

A >> Antonio de Morga >> History of the Philippine Islands Vols 1 and 2




The governor had already answered Don Joan Ronquillo's first despatch,
as we have said above, when the second despatch arrived with news
of the successes in Mindanao. Suspicious of the men in the camp who
had constantly shown a desire to return to Manila, and little relish
for the hardships of war, and fearing lest they would return at the
arrival of the first order, executing that order and abandoning the
enterprise which had reached such a satisfactory stage; and thinking
that it would be unwise to abandon the river: the governor made haste
to send a second despatch immediately by various roads, ordering them
to pay no attention to his first orders, but to remain in Mindanao, and
that he would soon send them what was necessary for further operations.

It seems that this message traveled slowly; for, the first having
arrived, they obeyed it without any further delay, and camp was
raised and the country abandoned. To their former enemy of Buhahayen
they gave as a reason that the governor of Manila had summoned them;
and to their friends of Tampacan, they said that they would leave men
in La Caldera for their security, and that assistance would be sent
them from Manila. This news caused as much sorrow and sadness to the
latter, as joy to the people of Buhahayen. Then after burning their
fort and settlement, the Spaniards embarked all their forces as soon as
possible, left the river, and went to La Caldera, twenty-four leguas
farther down in the direction of Manila. Having entered port, they
built a fortress and left there a garrison of one hundred Spaniards,
with some artillery, provisions, and boats for their use.

At this juncture, the governor's second message to General Don Joan
Ronquillo arrived, to which the latter replied that he was already
in La Caldera, and could not return to the river. Then, without any
further delay, Don Juan Ronquillo went to Manila with the balance of
his fleet, by way of the provinces of Oton, and Panay. The governor,
having heard of his coming, sent to arrest him on the road before
he entered the city, and proceeded against him by law for having
withdrawn the camp and army from Mindanao River, without awaiting the
orders he should have expected after the favorable turn that affairs
had taken. Don Juan Ronquillo was set at liberty on showing a private
letter from the governor, which the latter had sent him separately
with the first instructions, to the effect that he should return
to Manila with his troops in any event, for they were needed in the
islands for other purposes; and because of this letter Don Juan had
determined not to await the second order.

Captain and Sargento-mayor Gallinato crossed from Cochinchina to Manila
in the flagship of his fleet, and informed Don Francisco Tello whom he
found governing, of the events of his expedition; and that Blas Ruyz
and Diego Belloso had gone by land to Lao from Cochinchina in search
of King Langara of Camboja. Thus by their absence he avoided the blame
of leaving Camboja, although there were not wanting many of his own
followers who angrily gave information of the opportunity that he had
lost by not showing himself or staying in Camboja when he had so good
an opportunity; and they stoutly asserted that if he had done so,
all that had been hoped in that kingdom would have been attained.

The other ship of his convoy, to which the balance of his fleet
had been reduced, of which he made Alférez Luys Ortiz commander,
could not pursue the voyage on account of heavy storms, and put in at
Malaca. Some of the Spaniards remained there, and Ortiz with the rest
of the crew, was able to set sail after a few months, and returned
to Manila.

Coincident with the above, and at the beginning of Don Francisco
Tello's administration, two Indian chiefs of the province of Cagayan,
the more powerful of whom was called Magalat, were detained in Manila,
because they, with their kinsmen, and others who followed their
party and opinion, often incited the settlements of that province to
rebellion; and it had cost no little trouble to subdue them; besides
the daily murder of many Spaniards and other injuries inflicted upon
the peaceful natives and their crops. Magalat was captain and leader
of these men, and since he, with his brother and other natives, was
in Manila, and unable to leave it, that province became more secure.

Some Dominican religious bound for Segovia, the capital of that
province, where they give instruction, moved with pity, persuaded
the governor to let Magalat and his brother return to their country
with them. To such an extent did they importune the governor, that
he granted their request. Having reached Cagayan, the chiefs went
inland by the Lobo River and again incited the whole country to
rebellion. With the help of other chiefs of Tubigarao, and other
settlements, they so stirred up things, that it was impossible to
go to those settlements or a step beyond the city. Magalat was the
leader of the rebels, and he committed cruel murders and injuries
even upon the natives themselves, if they refused to rise against the
Spaniards. This reached such a point that the governor was obliged
to send the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, from Manila with
troops, in order that he might suitably remedy the evil. In spite
of many difficulties, the latter had so good fortune that he seized
many insurgent leaders upon whom he executed justice and public
punishment. As for Magalat himself, the governor caused him to be
killed in his own house and land where he had fortified himself, by
the hand of his own Indians, who had offered to do it for a reward;
for in no other way did it appear possible. Had Magalat not been
killed, the war would have dragged on for many years, but with his
death the province became quiet and the peace secure.

In April of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five,
Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña de Neira sailed from Callao de Lima in
Peru, to colonize the Salomon Islands, which he had discovered many
years before in the South Sea, [66] the principal one of which he had
called San Christoval. He took four ships, two large ones--a flagship
and an almiranta--a frigate, and a galliot, with four hundred men
in all. He was also accompanied by his wife, Doña Ysabel Barreto and
his three brothers-in-law. On the way he discovered other islands at
which he did not stop; but not finding those which he had previously
discovered, and as his almiranta had been lost, he anchored with the
other ships at an island near Nueva Guinea, inhabited by blacks,
to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz [Holy Cross]. There he
settled--little to the satisfaction of his men. The adelantado, two of
his brothers-in-law, and many of his people died there. Doña Ysabel
Barreto abandoned the colony, on account of sickness and want, and
embarked the survivors aboard her flagship, frigate, and galliot. But
while they were sailing toward the Filipinas the frigate and galliot
disappeared in another direction. The flagship entered the river of
Butuan, in the island of Mindanao, and reached Manila after great
want and suffering. There Doña Ysabel Barreto married Don Fernando de
Castro, and returned to Nueva España in his ship, the "San Geronymo,"
in the year ninety-six. The events of this voyage have been only
lightly touched upon here, so that it seems fitting to reproduce
literally the relation, to which Don Pedro Fernandez de Quiros,
chief pilot on this voyage, affixed his signature, which is as follows.

Relation of the voyage of Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña de Neira for
the discovery of the Salomon Islands

On Friday, the ninth of the month of April, one thousand five hundred
and ninety-five, Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña set sail with his fleet
for the conquest and settlement of the western islands in the South
Sea, sailing from the port of Callao de Lima, which lies in twelve and
one-half degrees south latitude. Laying his course toward the valleys
of Santa, Truxillo, and Saña, and collecting men and provisions, he
went to Paita. [67] There he took in water and numbered his forces,
which amounted to about four hundred persons. Then with his four
vessels, two large and two small, he left the said port, which is
five degrees higher than the former port, and directed his course
west-southwest in search of the islands that he had discovered. He
took Pedro Merino Manrique as master-of-camp; his brother-in-law,
Lope de la Vega, as admiral; and Pedro Fernandez de Quiros as
chief pilot. Following the above-mentioned course he sailed to the
altitude of nine and one-half degrees, whence he sailed southwest by
west to fourteen degrees, where he changed his course to northwest
by west. On Friday, the twenty-first of the month of July, having
reached an altitude of ten long degrees, we sighted an island to
which the general gave the name of Madalena. [68] From a port of this
island, about seventy canoes came out, each containing three men,
or thereabout, while some came swimming and others on logs. There
were more than four hundred Indians, white and of a very agreeable
appearance, tall and strong, large-limbed, and so well made that
they by far surpassed us. [69] They had fine teeth, eyes, mouth,
hands and feet, and beautiful long flowing hair, while many of them
were very fair. Very handsome youths were to be seen among them;
all were naked and covered no part. Their bodies, legs, arms, hands,
and even some of their faces, were all marked after the fashion of
these Bissayans. And indeed, for a barbarous people, naked, and of
so little reason, one could not restrain himself, at sight of them,
from thanking God for having created them. And do not think this
exaggeration, for it was so. These people invited us to their port,
and were in turn invited to our flagship, and about forty of them
came aboard. In comparison with them we appeared to be men of less
than ordinary size. Among them was one who was thought to be a palmo
taller than the tallest man of our fleet, although we had in the
fleet men of more than average height. The general gave some of them
shirts and other things, which they accepted with much pleasure,
dancing after their fashion and calling others. But being annoyed
at the liberties that they took, for they were great thieves, the
general had a cannon fired, in order to frighten them. When they
heard it they all swam ashore, seized their weapons, and at the sound
of a conch threw a few stones at the ships and threatened us with
their lances, for they had no other weapons. Our men fired their
arquebuses at them from the ships and killed five or six of them,
whereat they stopped. Our fleet sailed on and we discovered three
other islands. This island has a circumference of about six leguas. We
passed it on its southern side. On that side it is high and slopes
precipitously to the sea, and has mountainous ravines where the
Indians dwell. There seemed to be many inhabitants, for we saw them
on the rocks and on the beach. And so we continued our course to the
other three islands. The first, to which was given the name San Pedro,
is about ten leguas from Magdalena, and like it extends northwest by
north. It has a circumference of about three leguas. The island is
beautiful, and rich in woods and fine fields. We did not ascertain
whether it was inhabited or not, for we did not stop there. To the
southeast and about five leguas from it lies another island to which
the general gave the name of Dominica. It is very sightly, and to
all appearances thickly populated, and has a circumference of about
fifteen leguas. To the south and a little more than one legua from
it lies another island with a circumference of about eight leguas,
which received the name of Sancta Cristina. Our fleet passed through
the channel that separates the one island from the other, for all that
we saw of these islands is clear sailing. On the west side of Sancta
Cristina, a good port was found, and there the fleet anchored. [70]
These Indians did not seem to me to resemble the first; but many
beautiful women were seen. I did not see the latter, but some who did
assured me that in their opinion, they are as beautiful as the women
in Lima, but light complexioned and not so tall--and the women in Lima
are very beautiful. The articles of food seen in that port were swine
and fowl, sugar-cane, excellent bananas, cocoanuts, and a fruit that
grows on high trees. Each of the last is as large as a good-sized
pineapple, and is excellent eating. Much of it was eaten green,
roasted, and boiled. When ripe it is indeed so sweet and good that,
in my estimation, there is no other that surpasses it. Scarcely any
of it, except a little husk, has to be thrown away. [71] There was
also another fruit with a flavor like that of chestnuts, but much
larger in size than six chestnuts put together; much of this fruit
was eaten roasted and boiled. Certain nuts with a very hard shell,
and very oily, were also found, which were eaten in great quantities,
and which, according to some, induced diarrhoea. We also saw some
Castilian pumpkins growing. Near the beach there is a fine cascade
of very clear water, which issues from a rock at the height of two
men. Its volume is about the width of four or five fingers. Then
near by there is a stream, from which the boats drew a full supply
of water. The Indians fled to the forests and rocks, where they
fortified themselves and tried to do some mischief, by throwing
stones and rolling down rocks, but they never wounded anyone, for
the master-of-camp restrained them, by placing outposts. The Indians
of this island, on seeing one of our negroes, made signs toward the
south, saying that there were men like him there, and that they were
wont to go there to fight; that the others were armed with arrows; and
that they make the journey thither in certain large canoes which they
possess. Since there was no interpreter, or much curiosity to learn
more, no further investigations were made, although, in my opinion,
this is impossible for Indians so remote, unless there be a chain of
islands; for their boats and their customs in other things show that
they have not come from any great distance.

This port lies in an altitude of nine and one-half degrees. The
adelantado ordered three crosses to be planted, and on Saturday, August
fifth, to weigh anchor and set sail southwest by west. We sailed with
easterly and east southeasterly winds, now southwest by west and now
northwest by west, for about four hundred leguas. One Sunday, August
twenty, we sighted four low islands with sandy beaches, abounding
in palms and other trees. On the southeast side, towards the north,
was seen a great sandbank. All four islands have a circuit of about
twelve leguas. Whether they were inhabited or not, we could not tell,
for we did not go to them. That year appeared to be one of talk, of
which I speak with anger. These islands lie in an altitude of ten and
three-quarters degrees. They were named San Bernardo, [72] because
they were discovered on that saint's day. Thenceforward we began to
meet southeasterly winds, which never failed us, and which seem to
prevail in those regions. With these winds we continued to sail always
in the said direction, never going above eleven or below ten degrees,
until Tuesday, August twenty-nine, when we discovered a round islet,
of about one legua in circumference, surrounded by reefs. We tried
to land there, so that the almiranta could take on wood and water, of
which there was great need, but could find no landing-place. We gave
it the name of La Solitaria [Solitary Island]. It lies in an altitude
of ten and two-thirds degrees, and is about one thousand five hundred
and thirty five leguas from Lima. [73] From this island we continued
to sail in the said course: a thing which drew a variety of opinions
from the men, some saying that we did not know where we were going,
and other things which did not fail to cause some hard feelings; but by
the mercy of God, at midnight on the eve of Nuestra Señora de Setiembre
[Our Lady of September], we sighted an island of about ninety or one
hundred leguas in circumference, which extends almost east southeast
and west northwest, and lies about one thousand eight hundred leguas
from Lima. [74] The whole island is full of dense forests, even to
the highest ridges; and where it was not cleared for the Indians'
fields, not a palmo of earth could be seen. The ships anchored in a
port on the north side of the island, in ten degrees of latitude. About
seven leguas north of that port, there is a volcano with a very well
shaped cone, which ejects much fire from its summit, and from other
parts. The volcano is high and about three leguas in circumference. On
the side toward the sea it is very steep and quite bare, and offers
no landing; and it rumbles frequently and loudly within. Northeast of
this volcano are several small inhabited islets, surrounded by many
shoals. The distance to these islets is seven or eight leguas. The
shoals extend about northwest, and one who saw them said that they
were numerous. Around the large island were several small ones, and
as we sailed around them, we found that they were all inhabited,
even the large one. Within sight of this large island, and to the
southeast of it, we saw another island of no great size. This must
be the connecting link with the other islands. [75] After having put
into port at the great island Sancta Cruz, as it had been named, the
adelantado ordered Captain Don Lorenzo, his brother-in-law, to go with
the frigate in search of the almiranta, of which I have no favorable
conjectures, and which had disappeared on the night that we sighted the
island. It was sought on this and on two other occasions, but nothing
except the shoals above-mentioned were found. What was seen in the
way of food in this bay and port was swine, fowl, bananas, sugar-cane,
some two or three kinds of roots resembling sweet potatoes, which are
eaten boiled or roasted and made into biscuits, buyos [i.e., betel],
two kinds of excellent almonds, two kinds of pine-nuts, ring-doves
and turtle-doves, ducks, gray and white herons, swallows, a great
quantity of amaranth, Castilian pumpkins, the fruit which I mentioned
as being in the first islands, chestnuts, and walnuts. Sweet basil,
of great fragrance, and red flowers, which are kept in the gardens
at that port, and two other kinds of different flowers, also red, are
found. There is another fruit which grows on high trees, and resembles
the pippin in its pleasing smell and savor; a great quantity of ginger
grows wild there, as also of the herb chiquilite, from which indigo
is made. [76] There are agave-trees, abundance of sagia [sago (?)],
[77] and many cocoanuts. Marble is also to be seen, as well as pearl
shells and large snail-shells, like those brought from China. There is
a very copious spring and five or six rivers of small volume. There
we settled close by the spring. The Indians endeavored to prevent
us; but as the arquebus tells at a distance, upon seeing its deadly
effects, their hostility was lukewarm, and they even gave us some of
the things that they possessed. In this matter of procuring provisions,
several cases of not over good treatment happened to the Indians; for
the Indian who was our best friend and lord of that island, Malope
by name, was killed, as well as two or three others, also friendly
to us. No more of all the island than about three leguas about the
camp was explored. The people of this island are black. They have
small single-masted canoes for use about their villages; and some
very large ones to use in the open sea. On Sunday, October eight, the
adelantado had the master-of-camp stabbed. Tomas de Ampuero was also
killed in the same way. Alférez Juan de Buitrago was beheaded; and the
adelantado intended to have two others, friends of the master-of-camp,
killed, but was restrained therefrom at our request. The cause of
this was notorious, for these men tried to induce the adelantado to
leave the land and abandon it. There must have been other reasons
unknown to me; what I saw was much dissoluteness and shamelessness,
and a great deal of improper conduct. On October eighteen, after a
total eclipse of the moon on the seventeenth, the adelantado died;
[78] November two, Don Lorenzo, his brother-in-law, who had succeeded
him as captain-general; the priest Antonio de Serpa, seven or eight
days before; and November eight the vicar, Juan de Espinosa. Disease
was rampant among our men and many died for lack of care, and the
want of an apothecary and doctor. The men begged the governor Doña
Ysabel Barreto to take them out of the country. All agreed to embark,
and by the mercy of God, we left this port on Saturday, the eighteenth
of the said month, and sailed southwest by west toward the island of
San Cristoval or rather in search of it, to see whether we could find
it or the almiranta, in accordance with the governor's orders. For two
days nothing was seen; and at the request of all the men, who cried
out that we were taking them to destruction, she ordered me to steer
from our settlement, located in ten and one-half degrees of latitude,
to Manila. Thence I steered north northwest to avoid meeting islands
on the way, since we were so ill prepared to approach any of them,
with our men so sick that about fifty of them died in the course of
the voyage and about forty there in the island. We continued our course
short of provisions, navigating five degrees south and as many north,
and meeting with many contrary winds and calms. When we reached an
altitude of six long degrees north latitude, we sighted an island,
apparently about twenty-five leguas in circumference, thickly wooded
and inhabited by many people who resembled those of the Ladrones,
and whom we saw coming toward us in canoes. From the southeast
to the north and then to the southwest, it is surrounded by large
reefs. [79] About four leguas west of it are some low islets. There,
although we tried, we failed to find a suitable place to anchor; for
the galliot and frigates which accompanied our ship had disappeared
some days before. [80] From this place we continued the said course
until we reached an altitude of thirteen and three-quarters degrees,
and in the two days that we sailed west in this latitude, we sighted
the islands of Serpana [i.e., Seypan] and Guan in the Ladrones. We
passed between the two and did not anchor there, because we had no
cable for lowering and hauling up the boat. This was the third of the
month of January, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six. On the
fourteenth of the same month we sighted the cape of Espiritu Sancto,
and on the fifteenth we anchored in the bay of Cobos. [81] We reached
there in such a state that only the goodness of God could have taken
us thither; for human strength and resources would hardly have taken
us a tenth of the way. We reached that place so dismantled and the
crew so weak that we were a most piteous sight, and with only nine
or ten jars of water. In this bay of Cobos the ship was repaired and
the men recuperated as much as possible. On Tuesday, February second,
we left the above port and bay, and on the tenth of the same month
we anchored in the port of Cabite, etc.

Besides my desire to serve your Grace, I am moved to leave this brief
relation for you, by the fact that if, perchance, God should dispose of
my life, or other events should cause me or the relation that I carry
to disappear, the truth may be learned from this one, which may prove
a matter of great service to God and to the king our sovereign. [82]
Will your Grace look favorably upon my great desire to serve you,
of which I shall give a better proof, if God permit me to return to
this port. Will your Grace also pardon my brevity, since the fault
lies in the short time at my present disposal. Moreover, since no man
knows what time may bring, I beg your Grace to keep the matter secret,
for on considering it well, it seems only right that nothing be said
about the first islands until his Majesty be informed and order what
is convenient to his service, for, as the islands occupy a position
midway between Peru, Nueva Españia, and this land, the English,
on learning of them, might settle them and do much mischief in this
sea. Your Grace, I consider myself as the faithful servant of your
Grace. May God our Lord preserve you for many years in great joy and
increasing prosperity, etc. Your Grace's servant, PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE
QUIROS To Doctor Antonio de Morga, lieutenant-governor of his Majesty
in the Filipinas.

When Governor Don Francisco Tello entered upon his office, in the
year ninety-six, he found the "San Geronymo," the ship in which Don
Fernando de Castro and his wife Doña Ysabel Barreto were returning
to Nueva España, preparing for the voyage in the port of Cabite. He
also found there the galleon "San Felipe" laden with Filipinas goods,
preparing to make its voyage to Nueva España. As soon as Governor
Don Francisco Tello entered upon his administration, both ships were
despatched and set sail. Although the "San Geronymo" sailed last,
it made the voyage, reaching Nueva Españia at the end of the said
year of ninety-six. The vessel "San Felipe," which was a large ship
and heavily laden with merchandise and passengers, and whose commander
and general was Don Mathia de Landecho, encountered many storms on the
voyage, so that at one time it became necessary to throw considerable
cargo overboard, and they lost their rudder while in thirty-seven
degrees of latitude, six hundred leguas from the Filipinas, and a
hundred and fifty from Xapon. Seeing themselves unable to continue
their voyage, it was decided to put back to the Filipinas. They set
about this and changed their course, but experienced even greater
difficulties and trials. Many times they gave themselves up as lost,
for the seas ran high, and as the vessel had no rudder, the rigging
and few sails were carried away, and blown into shreds. They could not
hold the vessel to its course, and it worked so often to windward that
they were in great danger of foundering, and lost all hope of reaching
the Filipinas. Xapon was the nearest place, but not sufficiently near
to enable them to reach it or to venture near its coast which is very
wild, and unknown to them even by sight; and even should they have the
good fortune to reach it, they did not know how the Japanese would
receive them. At this juncture arose confusion and a diversity of
opinion among the men aboard. Some said that they should not abandon
the course to Manila, in spite of the great peril and discomfort that
they were experiencing. Others said that it would be a rash act to do
so, and that, since Xapon was much nearer, they should make for it,
and look for the port of Nangasaqui, between which and the Filipinas
trade was carried on. There they would be well received and would find
means to repair their ships, and of resuming the voyage thence. This
opinion prevailed, for some religious in the ship adopted it, and the
rest coincided with them, on the assurance of the pilots that they
would quickly take the ship to Xapon. Accordingly they altered their
course for that country, and after six days sighted the coast and
country of Xapon, at a province called Toça; [83] and although they
tried by day to reach the land, at night, when they lowered the sails,
the tide carried them away from it. Many funeas [84] came to the ship
from a port called Hurando, and the Spaniards, persuaded by the king
of that province, who assured them of harbor, tackle, and repairs,
entered the port, after having sounded and examined the entrance, and
whether the water was deep enough. The Japanese, who were faithless,
and did this with evil intent, towed the ship into the port, leading
and guiding it onto a shoal, where, for lack of water, it touched and
grounded. Therefore the Spaniards were obliged to unload the ship and
take all the cargo ashore close to the town, to a stockade which was
given them for that purpose. For the time being the Japanese gave the
Spaniards a good reception, but as to repairing the ship and leaving
port again, the latter were given to understand that it could not be
done without permission and license from Taicosama, the sovereign of
Japon, who was at his court in Miaco, one hundred leguas from that
port. General Don Matia de Landecho and his companions, in order
to lose no time, resolved to send their ambassadors to court with a
valuable gift from the ship's cargo for Taicosama, to beg him to order
their departure. They sent on this mission Christoval de Mercado,
three other Spaniards, Fray Juan Pobre, of the Franciscan order,
and Fray Juan Tamayo, of the Augustinian order, who were aboard the
vessel. They were to confer concerning this affair with Taico in Miaco,
and were to avail themselves of the Franciscan fathers who were in
Miaco. The latter had gone as ambassadors from the Filipinas to settle
matters between Xapon and Manila, and were residing at court in a
permanent house and hospital, with Taico's sufferance. There they were
making a few converts, although with considerable opposition from the
religious of the Society of Jesus established in the same kingdom. The
latter asserted other religious to be forbidden by apostolic briefs and
royal decrees to undertake or engage in the conversion of Japon. The
king of Hurando, although to all appearances friendly and kind to
the Spaniards in his port, took great care to keep them and their
merchandise secure. He immediately sent word to court that that ship of
foreigners called Nambajies [85] had been wrecked there, and that the
Spaniards had brought great riches. This kindled Taicosama's greed,
who, in order to get possession of them, sent Ximonojo, one of his
favorites and a member of his council, to Hurando. Ximonojo, upon his
arrival, took possession of all the merchandise, and imprisoned the
Spaniards within a well-guarded palisade, after having forced them to
give up all their possessions and what they had hid, under pain of
death. Having exercised great rigor therein, he returned to court,
after granting permission to the general and others of his suite to go
to Miaco. The ambassadors who had been sent before to Miaco with the
present, were unable to see Taico, although the present was accepted;
nor did they succeed in making any profitable arrangement, although
father Fray Pedro Baptista, superior of the Franciscan religious
residing there, employed many methods for the purpose of remedying the
grievance of the Spaniards. These attempts only served to intensify
the evil; for the favorites, who were infidels and hated the religious
for making converts at court, on seeing Taico so bent upon the riches
of the ship and so unwilling to listen to any restitution, not only
did not ask him to do so, but in order to make the matter easier, and
taking advantage of the occasion, set Taicosama against the Spaniards;
telling him that the religious and the men from the ship were all
subjects of one sovereign, and conquerors of others' kingdoms. They
said that the Spaniards did this by first sending their religious
to the kingdoms, and then entered after with their arms, and that
they would do this with Xapon. They were aided in this purpose by
the fact that when the favorite, who went to seize the property of
the ship, was in Hurando, its pilot, Francisco de Sanda, had shown
him the sea-chart in which could be seen all the countries which had
been discovered, and España and the other kingdoms possessed by his
Majesty, among which were Piru and Nueva España. When the favorite
asked how those distant kingdoms had been gained, the pilot replied
that the religious had entered first and preached their religion,
and then the soldiers had followed and subdued them. It is true that
the said pilot imprudently gave those reasons, which Ximonojo noted
well and kept in mind, in order to relate them to Taicosama whenever
a suitable opportunity should present itself, which he now did.

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