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History of the Philippine Islands Vols 1 and 2

A >> Antonio de Morga >> History of the Philippine Islands Vols 1 and 2




Your Grace's servant,

BLAS RUYZ DE HERNAN GONÇALES

Through this news and despatch from Camboja we learned in Manila of
the good result attained by the stay of Diego Belloso and Blas Ruys in
that land. Don Luys Dasmariñas gaining encouragement in the enterprise
that he had proposed, discussed it with greater warmth. But since
difficulties were still raised as to the justification with which an
entrance could be made into Camboja with armed forces for more than
the protection of, and completion of establishing, Prauncar in his
kingdom, and to leave preachers with him--it was said on Don Luys's
behalf that after accomplishing the above, he would, with the necessary
favor of the same king of Camboja, proceed to the neighboring kingdom
of Champan and take possession of it for his Majesty. He would drive
thence a usurper, the common enemy of all those kingdoms, who lorded
over it, and who, from his fortress near the sea, sallied out against
all navigators, plundering and capturing them. He had committed many
other crimes, murders, and thefts, on the Portuguese and other nations,
who were obliged to pass his coasts in their trading with, and voyages
to, China, Macan, Xapon, and other kingdoms, concerning all of which
sufficient testimony had been given. On account of all these reports,
the theologians and jurists decided that the war against the ruler
of Champan and the conquest of his lands was justifiable, and that
this position was of no less importance to the Spaniards than that
of Camboja.

The governor and president, Don Francisco Tello, held a consultation
with the Audiencia and others--religious and captains--as to what in
their opinion was the most advisable measure to take in this matter. It
was resolved that, since Don Luys offered to make this expedition
at his own expense with those men who chose to follow him, the plan
should be carried out. [105] Accordingly, an agreement was made with
him on the above basis. He was to take the men at his own expense,
with commission and papers from the governor for affairs of government
and war, and provisions from the Audiencia for the administration of
justice. He began preparing ships, men, and provisions, in order to
sail as soon as possible.

In the meanwhile, Governor Don Francisco Tello despatched Don Joan
de Çamudio with a moderate-sized ship to Great China to obtain leave
from the viceroy of Canton for the Spaniards to communicate and
trade with his province. He was also to fetch saltpeter and metals
which were wanted for the royal magazines of Manila. Don Joan reached
his destination with good weather, and after stationing himself off
the coast of Canton, sent certain of his company to the city with
despatches for the tuton or viceroy. When the viceroy heard of the
arrival of the Spaniards and the reason thereof, he gave them audience,
and treated them cordially. The Portuguese residing in Macan near the
city of Canton, made many efforts to prevent the viceroy, the conchifu,
and other mandarins from admitting the Castilians of Manila into
their country, alleging that the latter were pirates and evil-doers,
who seized upon whatever kingdom and province they visited. They told
them so many things that it would have sufficed to destroy them, had
not the viceroy and mandarins looked at the matter dispassionately;
for they knew the declaration of the Portuguese to be hate and enmity,
and that these passions moved them to desire that the Castilians
have no trade with China, for their own interests. The affair went so
far, that, having been brought before a court of justice, silence was
imposed upon the Portuguese of Macan, under penalty of severe corporal
punishment; while the Castilians were given and assigned a port on
the same coast, named El Pinal [Pine Grove], twelve leguas from the
city of Canton, where they might then and always enter and make a
settlement of their own; and they were given sufficient chapas [i.e.,
edicts or passports of safety] and provisions therefor. Thereupon
Don Joan de Çamudio, entered El Pinal with his ship and there he was
furnished with everything needful by the Chinese at a moderate price
while the Spaniards went to and fro on the river upon their business
to Canton in lorchas [106] and champans. While the Spaniards were
detained, in the said port they were always well received in the city
and lodged in houses within its walls. They went about the streets
freely and armed, a thing which is new and unique in China in respect
to foreigners. This caused so great wonder and envy to the Portuguese
(who are not so treated) that they tried with might and main to
prevent it, even going so far as to come by night in boats from Macan
to El Pinal to fire the ship of the Castilians. This did not succeed,
however, for, having been heard, the necessary resistance was made,
and after that a good watch was always kept on board, until the ship
having accomplished its business and object departed thence, much to
the satisfaction of the Chinese, who gave the Spaniards chapas and
documents for the future. The ship reached Manila at the beginning
of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine.

After Don Luys Dasmariñas had equipped two moderate-sized ships and
a galliot, and collected two hundred men who chose to follow him
in this enterprise to Camboja--they were part of the unemployed in
Manila--with the necessary provisions, ammunition, and equipment on
his ships; and accompanied by Fray Alonso Ximenez and Fray Aduarte
of the Order of St. Dominic and Fray Joan Bautista of the Order of
St. Francis, some Japanese, and native Indians of Manila: he set sail
with his fleet from the bay, in the middle of July, [107] of the year
ninety-eight. The weather was somewhat contrary as the seasons of
the vendavals had set in, but his desire to accomplish his voyage,
lose no time, and leave Manila, which was the greatest difficulty,
caused him to disregard the weather; he thought that, once at sea,
he would be able to stop on the coast in the port of Bolinao.

This plan did not succeed so well as Don Luis had anticipated, for, as
soon as the fleet of these three ships left the bay it was so buffeted
by the weather that it could not fetch the port of Bolinao or hold
the sea. The flagship sprung a leak, and the ships returned to the
mouth of the bay above Miraveles, [108] where they stayed several days
refitting. When the weather moderated they set sail again, but again
they were buffeted so violently that the ships were separated from
one another, and the galliot--the weakest of them--with difficulty
made the port of Cagayan. Quite dismantled and very necessitous,
it entered by the bar of Camalayuga to the city of Segovia, which is
at the head of the island of Luzon opposite Great China. There the
alcalde-mayor of that province furnished it the necessary provisions
and tackle. Captain Luis Ortiz, who commanded this galliot, together
with twenty-five Spaniards and some Indians, hastened preparations for
their departure and again left that port to rejoin the fleet which
he had to follow, according to his instructions, making for the bar
of the river of Camboja which was their destination. He had scarcely
left Cagayan, when the almiranta entered the port in the same distress
as the galliot. It was also detained some days to refit. Then it left
again to rejoin the flagship and the galliot. The flagship being a
stronger vessel kept the sea with difficulty; and as the storm lasted
a long time, it was compelled to run in the open toward China. The
storm continued to rage so steadily that, without being able to
meliorate its voyage, the ship was obliged to sail, amid high seas
and cloudy weather, to certain small uninhabited islands on the coast
of China below Macan. There it was many times in danger of shipwreck,
and parts of the cargo were thrown away daily. The almiranta, after
having been refitted, left Cagayan, made the same voyage in the same
storm, and anchored near the flagship, where it was lost with some
men and its entire cargo. [109]The flagship did its best to rescue
those who escaped from the almiranta, and although the former kept
afloat several days, at length it grounded near the coast. There
it began to leak so badly that, with that and the strong sea which
struck it broadside, the vessel went to pieces. The ship's boat had
already been lost, and in order to save their lives before the ship
was completely wrecked they were obliged to make rafts and prepare
framework and planks on which Don Luis and the religious and crew--in
all one hundred and twenty Spaniards--went ashore. They brought away
from the said ship a few of the most valuable objects, the weapons,
and the most manageable pieces of artillery, abandoning the rest as
lost. All of the Spaniards were so soaked and in so ill a plight that
some Chinese who came to the coast, from some neighboring towns, both
from compassion felt for their loss and on account of having been given
certain things that had been brought away from the wreck, provided
them with food and with a native vessel of small burden in which to
leave that place and make for Macan and Canton, which were not far.

As soon as Don Luis and his men sighted Macan, the former sent two
soldiers of his company in Chinese vessels to the city and settlement
of the Portuguese to announce their arrival and hardships, in order to
obtain some help from them. He sent two other soldiers to Canton to
ask the viceroy or tuton for assistance and protection, so that they
might equip themselves in, and sail from, China, in prosecution of
their voyage. The people of Macan and their chief captain Don Pablo
of Portugal received the Castilians so ill that they were thrown
into prison and not allowed to return to Don Luis. To the latter they
sent word warning him to leave the coast immediately, as they would
treat them all no less ill. When the Portuguese learned that Captain
Hernando de los Rios [110] and one of his companions had gone to Canton
for the same purpose, they at once sent two Portuguese, members of
their council and magistracy [camara and regimiento] to oppose their
entry into China, by saying that they were robbers and pirates, and
evil-doers, as they had said before of Don Joan de Çamudio, who at
this time was with his ship in the port of El Pinal, as abovesaid.

In Canton, Captain Hernando de los Rios and his companion met Alferez
Domingo de Artacho and other companions belonging to Don Joan's ship,
who, on learning of the disaster of Don Luis's fleet and that it had
been wrecked near by, came together and defended themselves against the
calumnies and pretensions of the Portuguese. The result was that, as
the main difficulty had been already overcome in the case of Don Joan,
and the viceroy and mandarins were informed that all were from Manila,
who Don Luis Dasmariñas was, and that he was going to Camboja with
his fleet, they received him with the same good-will with which they
had received Don Joan de Çamudio, and gave him permission to enter
the port of E1 Pinal with him. There the two met, with much regret
by the one at Don Luis Dasmariñas's loss, and with much satisfaction
by the other at finding there Don Joan de Çamudio and his men, who
provided them with certain things that they needed. With Don Joan's
assistance, Don Luis at once bought a strong, moderate-sized junk,
on which he embarked with some of his men, and the artillery and
goods which had been saved. He enjoyed the same advantages in that
port as the Spaniards of Don Joan de Çamudio's ship. He intended to
remain there until, having sent news to Manila, ships and the other
necessary things for pursuing his voyage thence to Camboja, should
be sent him, in respect to which Don Luis would never allow himself
to show any discouragement or loss of resolution.

Don Joan de Çamudio left El Pinal, leaving Don Luis Dasmariñas and
his men in that port, at the beginning of the year ninety-nine,
and reached Manila in twelve days. After him, Don Luis sent Alférez
Francisco Rodrigues with three companions to Manila in a small champan
to beg the governor and his supporters for help and assistance in
his present emergency, a vessel, and what was needful to continue the
expedition that he had begun. In Manila the news of Don Luis's loss
and of the conditions to which he was reduced, was learned both from
Don Joan de Çamudio and from Alférez Francisco Rodrigues, who reached
Manila after the former. Seeing that it was impossible for Don Luis to
continue the voyage to Camboja, and that there was neither property
nor substance with which to equip him again, nor the time for it,
a moderate-sized ship was purchased and despatched from Manila to
E1 Pinal with provisions and other things, under command of the same
Alférez Francisco Rodrigues, who was accompanied by some soldiers of
whom he was captain and leader. Through them Don Francisco Tello sent
orders to Don Luis to embark his men and return to the Filipinas,
without thinking for the present of the expedition to Camboja or of
anything else.

Captain Hernando de los Rios, who attended to Don Luis's affairs in
Canton, wrote a letter at this time to Doctor Antonio de Morga; and
in order that what happened in this respect may be better understood,
the letter reads word for word as follows.

Fernando de los Rios Coronel, to Doctor Antonio de Morga, of
his Majesty's council, and his auditor in the royal Audiencia
and Chancillería of the Filipinas, whom may our Lord preserve, in
Manila. The hardships which have befallen us within the short time
since we left Manila, have been so many, that, if I were to give your
Grace an account of them all, it would weary you; moreover the short
time in which Don Joan is to depart does not allow of it. And since
he will relate everything fully, I will relate only what occurred to
us after reaching this land; for our Lord was pleased to change our
intentions, which were to remain in Bolinao until the bad weather
which we were having had terminated. In sight of the port we were
overtaken by a storm which greatly endangered our lives and forced
us to come to this kingdom of China, where we expected at least
that the Portuguese would allow us to refit our ship. As it was the
Lord's will that we should lose it, we have suffered hardships enough,
for scarcely anything was saved. I lost my property and a portion of
that of others, because I was not present at the time of the wreck,
as my general ordered myself and a coast-pilot the day before to go
to look for fresh provisions. This coast is so wretchedly laid down
on the charts that we did not know where we were, and on account
of bad weather I could not return to the ship. Consequently I was
obliged to go to Canton, where the Sangleys, who conveyed me and
those who left the ship with me, accused us of having killed three
Sangleys. And had we not found there Alférez Domingo de Artacho
and Marcos de la Cueva, who were pleading against the Portuguese,
we would have fared very ill. It was God's will, that, with their
aid, we settled the case in court; and, although without proofs, and
without taking our depositions, they condemned us to a fine of fifty
taes of silver. There we learned that for one and one-half months they
[i.e., the men of Juan Zamudio's vessel] had been defending themselves
against the Portuguese, who, as soon as the Spaniards had arrived,
went about saying that they were robbers and rebels, and people who
seized the kingdoms into which they entered, and other things not
worth writing. But in the end, all their efforts, good and evil--and
indeed very evil--profited them nothing, because, by means of great
assiduity and a quantity of silver, the Spaniards negotiated a matter
which the Portuguese had never imagined, namely, the opening of a
port in this country, in order that the Spaniards might always come
safely, and the granting of houses in Canton, a privilege which was
never extended to the Portuguese, on account of which the latter are,
or will be, even more angered. Besides, silence was imposed upon the
Portuguese, although this was no part of the negotiations, so that they
might not attempt by other means to do us all the injury possible (as
the Sangleys who were among them tell us). It is impossible to tell
how much the Portuguese abhor the name of Castilians, unless it be
experienced as we have done for our sins, for they have placed us in
great extremity, as Don Joan will relate fully. For, when our general
wrote to them that we had been wrecked, and were dying of hunger among
infidels, and in great peril, and that he was not coming to trade,
but was engaged in the service of his Majesty, the welcome given him
by the Portuguese was to seize his messengers and keep them up to the
present time in a dungeon. Lastly, while we have been in this port,
undergoing the difficulties and perils which Don Joan will relate,
although they are so near, not only do they leave us to suffer, but,
if there are any well-disposed persons, they have forbidden them to
communicate with us or to give us anything, under both temporal and
spiritual penalty. In truth, to reflect upon this cruelty, and still
more to experience it as we are doing, exhausts all patience. May God
in His mercy give us patience and consolation because these infidels
[i.e., the Chinese] are the people who have corrupted the natural
light more than any other people in the world. Hence angels and not men
are required to deal with them. Since there are historians who record
events in these regions, I shall not go into details respecting them. I
only say, in order that you may understand in what a country we are,
that it is the true kingdom of the devil, where he seems to rule with
full power. Hence each Sangley appears to be the devil incarnate,
for there is no malice or deceit which they do not attempt. Although
outwardly the government, with all its order and method, seems good
as far as its preservation is concerned, yet, in practice, it is all
a scheme of the devil. Although here they do not rob or plunder the
foreigners openly, yet they do it by other and worse methods. Don
Joan has worked hard, and gratitude is certainly due him, for he has
accomplished a thing so difficult, that the Portuguese say only the
devil or he could have done it. However, it is true that it has cost
him, as I have heard, about seven thousand pesos, besides the risk to
which he has been exposed; for the Portuguese attempted to burn him in
his ship; and although their schemes came to naught, it is impossible
to describe the bitterness which they feel at seeing us come here to
trade, because of the signal injury they receive thereby. However,
if one considers it thoroughly, the truth is that, if this business
were established on the basis of a fair agreement, the Portuguese
would rather gain by it, because they would dispose of innumerable
articles that they possess, and the majority of them, especially the
poor, would profit by selling the work of their hands, and what they
get from India, for which they always obtain a good price. As far
as raising the price of [Chinese] merchandise to them is concerned,
once established, and if the Sangleys understood that ships would come
every year, they would bring down much more merchandise: and so much
the more as Canton possesses such a large quantity of it, that there
is more than enough for twice as many as are here, as we have seen
with our own eyes. I can testify that, if they wish to load a ship
with only one kind of goods, they can do so, even if it be needles;
the more so, since the greater part of what the Chinese consume is
not included among our articles of purchase, the great bulk of our
purchases being raw silk. Therefore I believe that the continuation
of this would be of great advantage to that city [i.e., Manila] for
the following reasons which present themselves to me. The first is
that, if orders were given for a ship to come authorized to invest
the bulk of the money of that city [i.e., Manila], much more and
better goods could be bought with much less money, and in articles
which would prove more profitable; since, in short, we would save
what the people of Chincheo gain with us [at Manila]--a goodly sum.

The second reason is that that city [i.e., Manila] would be provided
with all necessaries, because one can find in the city of Canton
anything that can be desired.

The third is that by this means we would avoid the excessive commerce
of the Sangleys in that city [i.e., Manila], who cause the harm which
your Grace knows, and even that which we do not know. They are people
who, the less they are admitted, the better will it be for us in every
respect. Hence there is no need of there being more of them than the
number required for the service of the community; and then they would
neither raise the price of provisions, nor retail what remains in the
country, as they do now. Thus many pernicious sins which they commit
and teach to the natives would be avoided. Although there seems to
be some difficulty in establishing this and in smoothing down the
Portuguese, still it might be accomplished.

The fourth reason is that, if the purchase is made here, it will
reach that city [i.e., Manila] by Christmas, and each man would store
his property in his house, and prepare and arrange it; and then, even
should the ships from Castilla arrive early, no loss would be suffered
as at present--when, if those ships arrive before the goods purchased
from China [reach Manila] the merchandise rises a hundred per cent.

The fifth reason is that the ships might easily take in cargo any
time in the month of May, and take advantage of the first vendavals,
which sometimes begin by the middle of June or before. By sailing then,
they run less risk, and will reach Nueva España one month or even two
months earlier. Then, they can leave that country in January and come
here [i.e., to the Filipinas] by April without any of the dangers
which beset them among these islands if they sail late, as we know.

The sixth reason is that the many inconveniences now existing at the
time of the purchase [in Manila] would be avoided--inconveniences
with which your Grace is acquainted--and the citizens would have
less trouble. Also in respect to the lading and its allotment [i.e.,
of shipping room] a better system could certainly be followed,
and it would be known who is to share in it. Things would be better
remedied, because neither the money of Mexico nor that of companies
would be allowed to be employed. The strict prevention of this alone
would be sufficient to assure prosperity to Manila in a short time;
for, if only the inhabitants were to send their invested property,
it is certain that all the machinery of the money of the Mexicans
would have to be employed on the goods sent from here--I mean from
Manila--if they do not allow the Mexicans to purchase in that city
[i.e., Manila]. And if less merchandise is sent from here [i.e.,
China, and consequently Manila] and there are more buyers there [i.e.,
in Mexico], the goods would be worth double. This is self-evident,
and if, as your Graces have already begun to remedy this matter,
the measure be rigorously carried still farther, that city [i.e.,
Manila] must prosper greatly. For, by not sending to Nueva España
any other produce except that from that city [i.e., Manila] mainly
purchased in this country [i.e., China], Manila would prosper as
greatly as one could desire. If we consider the benefit and favor
which his Majesty confers upon us in this matter, we would esteem
it much more than we do now. But I believe that we shall regret it,
when, perchance, we are deprived of it. Perhaps some one would say,
in opposition to what I have said about coming to purchase here,
that his Majesty would be defrauded of the customs and duties
which the Sangleys now pay, and of their tribute. But there is a
remedy for all this, for with the freight duties alone his Majesty
would save much more; as also by buying ammunitions here and other
articles which he needs for the conservation of that country [i.e.,
the islands] twice as cheaply and abundantly, and without depending
on the Chinese to bring them at their leisure, who at times--and
indeed every year--leave us without them, since we are forced to go
to get them. As far as the tribute is concerned, I believe that his
Majesty would be better served if there were no Sangleys there at all,
than by receiving the tribute. And it might happen, through this way,
if our Lord ordered it, that a door might be opened for the preaching
of the gospel and for the conversion of the people, a thing desired so
earnestly by his Majesty, and especially aimed at by him. After all,
things require a beginning, and the road would be opened, although
at present it seems shut; for, if we hope that the Portuguese attempt
this, I do not know when they will do it, considering that they have
not tried to do so, for so long as they have been settled here. Even
the Sangleys say that the Portuguese began like ourselves. At first
they went to and fro; then two sick men remained; the next year they
built four houses; and thus they continued to increase. I know that
there is no other difficulty for us to do likewise than that which
the Portuguese offer. To return to the Portuguese opposition, it is
something amazing, for not only are they vexed at our coming here,
but also at our going to Camboja or to Sian. They assert that those
districts are theirs, but I cannot see why they so designate them--for
it is just the contrary--unless it be because we have allowed them,
through our negligence, to seize our possessions near the strait of
Malaca, and enter the line of demarcation falling to the crown of
Castilla, as I would make them fully understand if an opportunity were
presented. One can read in Historia de las Indias [111] [i.e., History
of the Indias] in the one hundred and second chapter, and before and
after it, that, at the request of the Portuguese, his Holiness drew the
said line from three hundred and seventy leguas west of the islands of
Caboverde, which were called the Espericas. The one hundred and eighty
degrees of longitude falling to the Portuguese terminate and end as
abovesaid, near the above-mentioned strait. All the rest belongs to
us. Furthermore, since we are subjects of one king, how do we suffer
them to forbid us all our trade? Why do they bar us from Maluco, Sian,
Camboja, Cochinchina, China, and all the rest of this archipelago? What
are we to do then, if they wish to seize everything? Surely this is
a very unreasonable proceeding. I have dwelt on this matter in order
to express my feelings. Not until our departure shall I write to
your Grace about the fertility and nature of the country, and of its
greatness. Then I shall endeavor to give a full account of the land,
and to mark out this coast, for nothing is put down correctly.

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