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A Study in Tinguian Folk Lore

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Up to this time in our reconstruction of the life of "the first
times" we have mentioned nothing impossible or improbable to the
present day Tinguian, although, as we shall see later, there are some
striking differences in customs and ideas. We have purposely left the
description of the people and their practice of magic to the last,
although their magical practices invade every activity of their lives,
for it is here that the greatest variations from present conditions
apparently occur.

These people had intimate relations with some of the lesser spirits,
especially with the liblibayan, [27] who appear to be little more
than their servants, with the evil spirits known as banbanáyo,
[28] and with the alan [29] (p. 123). The alan, just mentioned,
are to-day considered as deformed spirits who live in the forests:
"They are as large as people but have wings and can fly; their toes
are at the back of their feet and their fingers point backwards from
their wrists." The several references to them in the tales such as
"you alan girls whose toes on your feet turn out" indicate they were
so considered in the first times (p. 161). Some of them are addressed
as "you alan of the springs," and in one instance a man dives down
into the water where the alan live (p. 148), but in general their
homes seem to be similar to but much finer than those of the people
of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan. These spirits appear time after time as
the foster mothers of the leading characters: Generally they secure
a drop of menstrual blood, a miscarriage, or the afterbirth, and all
unknown to the real parents, change them into children and raise them
(p. 83). These foster children are pictured as living in houses of
gold situated near springs, the pebbles of which are of Gold or beads;
[30] the places where the women set the pots while dipping water are
big plates or dishes, while similar dishes form the stepping stones
leading up to the house. Articles of gold are found in the dwellings
and valuable jars are numerous. When the true relationships of these
children are established they always go to their blood parents,
carrying with them these riches, which are a source of wonder and
comment (pp. 43, 64).

The people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan have many dealings with
the celestial bodies. The big star Bagbagak appears as the husband
of Sinag--the moon--and father of the star maiden Gaygayóma, who,
Aponitolau assures his wife, is a spirit. When this girl comes down
to steal sugar-cane she takes off her star dress and appears as a
beautiful maiden; [31] she becomes enamored with Aponitolau and takes
him to the sky, where he lives with her. They have a child, who later
marries in Kadalayapan and thereafter stays below. Upon the occasion
when Aponitolau visits his first wife and fails to return to the sky
at the appointed time, a great company of stars are sent to fetch him,
with orders to devour him if he refuses to obey (p. 109, ff.).

In the first tale Aponitolau himself appears as "the sun," "the
man who makes the sun," as "a round stone which rolls," but when
it is established that he is the son of a couple in Kadalayapan he
apparently relinquishes his duties in the sky and goes to live in
the village of his people. With him goes his wife Aponibolinayen, who
had been carried above by a vine. While at his post in the heavens,
Aponitolau is closely associated with the big star, whose duty it is to
follow him in the sky. Again we are told that Aponitolau is taken up
by the spirit Kabkabaga-an, whom he marries and by whom he has a son
(p. 114). In some instances this hero and his son Kanag converse with
thunder and lightning, which appear at times not unlike human beings
(p. 100); but in the eighth relation the two kinds of lightning are
pictured as dogs who guard the town of Dona.

These people enjoy unusual relations with inanimate things, and we
find them conversing with spears and with jars. [32] In one case the
latter appear to be pastured like animals, and surround Aponitolau when
he goes to feed them with lawed [33] leaves and salt (p. 51). Weapons
weep blood and oil when taken down for the purpose of injuring certain
persons (p. 43). A nose flute, when played by a youth, tells him of
his mother's plight (p. 152), while a bamboo Jew's harp summons the
brothers of its owner (p. 162). Animals and birds are frequently in
communication with them: The hawk flies away and spreads the news of
the fight at Adasin [34] (p. 90); at the bidding of Dalonágan a spider
spins a web about the town (p. 124); and Aponitolau is enabled to
fulfill the labors assigned him by the ten-headed giant only through
the aid of spiders, ants, and flies (p. 101). [35] During certain
dances the water from the river flows over the town and fish come
up and bite the feet of the dancers (p. 59). Crocodiles are left to
guard the sister of Aponibalagen, and when they fail to explain their
negligence they are whipped and sent away by their master (p. 87). A
great bird is pleased with Aponitolau and carries him away [36] to its
home, where it forces him to marry a woman it had previously captured
(p. 92). In one instance an animal gives birth to a human child; a frog
laps up the spittle of Aponitolau, and as a result becomes pregnant
[37] and gives birth to a maiden who is taken away by the spirits
(p. 105). Another account states that the three sons of Aponitolau
and Aponibolinayen are born as pigs, but later assume human form
(p. 116). Kanag becomes a snake when he tries to secure the perfume
of Baliwán, but is restored to human form when he bathes in a magic
well (p. 137). These and other mysterious happenings, many of which
are not explained as being due to their own volition, befall them;
thus Ingiwan, while walking, is confronted by an impassable hill and
is compelled to cross the ocean, where he finds his future wife, but
upon his return the hill has vanished (p. 86). In other instances the
finger rings of people meeting for the first time exchange themselves
(p. 92). The headband of Ligi flies away without his knowledge and
alights on the skirt of a girl who is bathing in the river. As a
result she becomes pregnant, and when the facts become known Ligi is
recognized as the child's father (p. 144). It seems probable that
the superior powers are responsible for these occurrences, for in
at least one instance the great spirit Kaboniyan steals a maiden and
turns her into a flock of birds, who talk with and assist the owner
of a rice field (p. 151).

While they thus appear to be to a certain extent under the control
of the spirits and to be surrounded by animals and inanimate things
with human intelligence and speech, the people of these "first times"
possess great power over nature: Time and space are annihilated, for
at their will daylight comes at once (p. 150), or they are transported
to a place in an instant (p. 92). At their command people appear:
Kanag creates betel-nut trees, then cuts the fruit into bits, Which he
sows on the ground. From these come many people who are his neighbors,
and one of whom he marries (p. 121). The course of nature is changed:
A field is planted in an instant; the crops mature in a few days, and
the grain and fruits take themselves to the store-house (p. 150). A
strike-a-light turns into a hill which impedes pursuers (p. 75), [38]
while a belt or head-axe serves as a ferry across a body of water
(p. 84). A storm is called upon to carry a person or a building to
a distance (p. 121), and a spring is created by killing an old man
(p. 60). [39] Prepared food appears at a word; a stick when cooked
becomes a fish, and though it is repeatedly broken and served it
always appears ready for service at meal time (p. 33); a small jar
containing a single grain of rice supplies an abundance of food;
another jar no larger than a fist furnishes drink for a company and
still remains a third full; while a single earring fills a pot with
gold [40] (pp. 47, 119, 123).

Quite as easy as the creation of beings is the causing of sleep or
death. All the people of a village are put to sleep at the will of a
single person (p. 145) and Albaga--while still at a distance--causes
the death of Aponibolinayen (p. 44). At a word of command the spears
and head-axes of the people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan go out
and kill great numbers of the enemy, and the heads and booty take
themselves in orderly fashion to towns of their new owners (pp. 66,
75). Many methods of restoring the dead to life are employed; spittle
is applied to the wounds, or the victim is placed in a magic well,
but the common method is for the hero "to whip his perfume," [41]
whereupon the dead follow his commands (pp. 152, 157).

The birth of a child, to a woman of these times, is generally preceded
by an intense itching between the third and last fingers, and when this
spot is pricked the child pops out "like popped rice." [42] Its growth
is always magical, for at each bath its stature increases by a span
(p. 102). Within a few days the baby is a large child and then begins
deeds of valor worthy of the most renowned warriors (pp. 95, 96).

The power of assuming animal forms appears to be a common possession,
and we find the different characters changing themselves into
fireflies, ants, centipedes, omen birds, and in one case into oil [43]
(pp. 85, 99).

One of the most peculiar yet constantly used powers of these people
is their ability to send betel-nuts on various missions. Whenever
an invitation to a ceremony or celebration is to be extended, nuts
covered with gold are oiled and sent out. They go to the intended
guest, state their errand, and, if refused, forthwith proceed to grow
on his knee, forehead, or pet pig, until pain or pity compels him to
accept (p. 146). In some cases it appears that the nuts themselves
possess the magic properties, for we find Aponitolau demanding that
his conquered foes give him their betel-nuts with magic power (p. 91).

Relationships can be readily ascertained by the chewing of these nuts,
for when the quids are laid down they are transformed into agate and
golden beads and lie in such a manner that the associations are fully
established (pp. 35, 36, 41).

Enough has been mentioned to show how important a part magic and
magical practices play in the life of this people, but one further
reference should be made, since it is found in nearly every tale. When
the marriage price is settled upon, the mother of the groom exercises
her power and at once fills the spirit house with valuable jars and the
like; this is repeated until enough are gathered to meet the demands
of the girl's people (p. 133). Even when the agreed sum has been
delivered we often find the girl's mother herself practicing magic,
to secure additional payment, and by raising her elbows or eyebrows
causing a part of the jars to vanish (pp. 133, 143).

Despite their great gifts we find that these people are not
all-powerful and that they deem it wise to consult the omens before
starting on a task or a journey. The gall sack and liver of a pig are
eagerly examined, [44] while the calls of birds, actions of animals,
or signs received from the thunder and lightning regulate their
conduct. In cases where these warnings are disregarded misfortune or
death always overtakes the individual (pp. 48, 49, 100 ff).

Death comes to them, but apparently is only a temporary state. The
deceased are often revived by some magical process (p. 152), but if
not the corpse is placed on a raft and is set adrift on the river. [45]
The streams and rivers, we are told, all flow past Nagbotobotán before
they empty into the hole where all streams go. In this place lives the
old woman Alokotán, who is related to the people of Kadalayapan and
Kaodanan. Her duty it is to watch for dead relatives, to secure them,
and make them alive again (p. 132). She is the owner of a magic pool,
the waters of which revive the dead and renew youth.

Comparison of the Reconstructed Culture with Present Day
Conditions.--Before passing to a consideration of the tales in the last
two divisions of our material, it may be well to compare the life and
beliefs of these "people of the first times" with those of the living
Tinguian. Kadalayapan and Kaodanan appear, in a vague way, to have been
located in Abra, for we learn that the Ilocano, Don Carlos, went up the
river from Baygan (Vigan) [46] to Kadalayapan; that the alzados [47]
lived near by; while the tattooed Igorot occupied the land to the south
(pp. 77, 155). The villages were surrounded by defensive walls such as
were to be found about all Tinguian villages until recent times, and
which are still to be seen about Abang and other settlements. Within
the walls were many houses, the descriptions of most of which would
fit the dwellings of to day. The one thing which seems foreign to
present conditions is the so-called "ninth room" which receives rather
frequent mention. There is nothing in the tales referring to buildings
or house construction which lends support to the contention of those
who seek to class the Tinguian as a modified sub-group of Igorot. [48]
The Bontoc type of dwelling with its ground floor sleeping box and
its elevated one room kitchen and storage room is nowhere mentioned,
neither is there any indication that in past or present times the
Tinguian had separate sleeping houses for the unmarried men and boys,
and for the girls, as do their neighbors to the south.

The other structures, such as the spirit houses, rice drying
frames, and granaries were similar to those seen to-day in all the
villages. Likewise the house furnishings, the musical instruments,
and even the games of the children were such as are to be found at
present, while our picture of the village life given on page 6 still
fits nearly any Tinguian settlement in Abra. The animals mentioned
are all familiar to the present people, but it is worthy of note
that in the first twenty-six tales, which make up the cycle proper,
the horse is not mentioned, nor does the carabao appear to be used
as a work animal. Still more important is the fact that the terraced
fields and the rice culture accompanying them, which to-day occupy
a predominant place in the economic life of the people, are nowhere
mentioned. On the other hand, the langpádan, or mountain rice,
assumes a place of great importance. References to the cultivation
of the land all seem to indicate that the "hoe culture," which is
still practiced to a limited extent, took the place of agriculture.

The clothing, hair dressing, and ornaments, worn by these people,
agree closely with those of to-day. Beads seems to have been of
prime importance, but could scarcely have been more prized or more
used than at present. Unless she be in mourning, the hair and neck
of each woman are now ornamented with strings of beads, many of them
of evident antiquity, while strands above strands cover the arms from
the wrist to the elbow or even reach to the shoulder. [49]

The wealth of a person seems to have been, to a large extent,
determined by the number of old jars in his possession. As at the
present time, they formed the basis of settlement for feuds, as payment
for a bride, and even figured in the marriage ceremony itself. The
jars, as judged from their names, were evidently of ancient Chinese
manufacture, and possessed power of speech and motion similar to that
of human beings; but in a lesser measure the same type of jars have
similar powers to-day. [50]

The use of gold and jewels seems to have been common in the old times;
the latter are seldom seen in the district to-day, but the use of bits
of gold in the various ceremonies is still common, while earrings of
gold or copper are among the most prized possessions of the women. [51]
Placer mining is well known to the Igorot of the south, who melt and
cast the metal into various ornaments. So far as I am aware, this is
not practiced by the present Tinguian, but may point back to a time
when the industry was known in this region, or when trade relations
with the south were much freer than in recent years.

The weapons of the warriors, which we are specifically told were of
metal, are identical with those seen at the present time, while the
methods of warfare agree with the accounts still told by the old men
of their youthful exploits.

A survey of the tales brings out boldly the fact that a headhunt was
one of the most important events in Tinguian life. To-day stress of
circumstances has caused the custom to suffer a rapid decline, but
even now heads are occasionally taken, while most of the old men have
vivid recollections of the days when they fought "in the towns of their
enemies." A spirited account of a head celebration seen in the village
of Lagangilang--from which ten of these tales were collected--will
be found in the writings of La Gironiere, already referred to. [52]
It is important to note that this account, as well as those secured
from many warriors of the present generation, offers some striking
differences to the procedure in the olden days, particularly as regards
the disposal of the skulls. The tales tell of the heads being placed
on the sagang [53] at the spring, at the gate, or about the town,
after the celebration. Certain of the present villages make use of
the sagang, but the more common type of head holder is the saloko,
[54] which still figures in many ceremonies. However, the heads only
remain in these receptacles until the day set for the festival. They
are then carried to the centre of the village and there, amid
great rejoicing, are cut open; the brains are removed and to them
are added the lobes of the ears and joints of the little fingers,
and the whole is then placed in the liquor, which is served to the
dancers. Before the guests depart the skulls are broken into small
pieces and a fragment is presented to each male guest, who carries
it home and is thus often reminded of the valor of the takers. [55]
A study of Tinguian beliefs furnishes an additional religious motive
for the taking of heads, but with the people of Kadalayapan and
Kaodanan revenge and the desire for renown were the prime incentives.

Every tale emphasizes the importance of the Sayang ceremony and
the spirit structure known as balaua. [56] The ceremony is nowhere
described in full, but the many details which are supplied show that
it was almost identical with that of to-day. The same is true of the
Dawak, [57] which we find mentioned on three different occasions, and
of the ceremony made to aid in locating lost or stolen articles. The
most noticeable fact, to the person familiar with Tinguian life,
is that these are the only ceremonies mentioned among the many known
and practiced at present. More than a score of different rites are
now well known to this people, and occupy a very considerable portion
of their time and attention during the first four months of the year.

The failure to make mention of these very important events is
explained, it seems to me, not by their absence, but by the fact that
these rites vary in importance and that the privilege of celebrating
them is hereditary in a family. Should one not entitled to hold
such a ceremony desire to do so, he must first give, in order, all
the lesser events, a costly procedure extending over a period of
several years. The people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan always appear
as being closely related to the spirit Kaboniyan, [58] and exceedingly
powerful. It seems probable that the story teller takes it for granted
that all of them are entitled to hold the most important ceremony
known to the Tinguian.

A prominent figure in these rites is the medium, through whom the
ancient people generally conversed with the spirits, but in exceptional
cases we found the heroes talking direct with the superior beings;
however, this gift is not confined to the men of old, for in such
tales as 55 and 59 people who are believed to have lived recently
have conversed with the spirits and have even been joined to them
in marriage.

The procedure in choosing a bride, the engagement, the pakálon, [59]
and the marriage proper are all those of the present day, but the
rules governing the marriage of relatives differ radically. As already
noted, one of the chief qualifications for marriage, among the people
of the tales, was relationship, and even cousins became husband and
wife. Such a thing is unthinkable among the Tinguian of to-day; first
cousins are absolutely barred from marrying, while even the union of
second cousins would cause a scandal, and it is very doubtful if such a
wife would be allowed to share in her deceased husband's property. [60]

It appears that only one real [61] wife is recognized as legitimate,
but that from "the first times" to the present a man might have as
many concubines as he could secure.

So far as mythology and present day conditions can inform us the bride
has always gone to the home of her husband and, for a time at least,
has been subject to the dictations of her mother-in-law, although the
couple are generally soon established in a home of their own, in the
town of the groom. There is nothing in Tinguian life or tradition to
indicate that they have ever had a clan system or a matriarchal form
of government.

The few references to the procedure immediately after a death indicate
that, in part, the people of to-day follow the old custom; but here
again an important departure occurs. We are thrice told that the
corpse was placed on a little raft called tabalang and set adrift
on the river; and in one case the afterbirth was treated in the same
manner. Nothing of the sort is done to-day, nor does it seem at all
likely that such has been the case in recent generations. The body
is now buried beneath the house, and certain set rules govern the
movements of all persons related to the deceased, as well as the
disposal of the corpse. This procedure is so complex and so uniform
throughout the whole Tinguian belt that it seems improbable that it
has grown up, except through a long period of time. At this point
it is interesting to note that at many ceremonies it is necessary to
construct a small raft called tal-talababong, or talabong, to place
offerings in it, and set it adrift on the stream, in order that any
spirits who have been prevented from attending the ceremony may still
secure their share. [62]

The festivals, the dances, the observances of the proprieties required
by good breeding or custom of to-day, follow closely those given in
the tales. The greatest divergence is in the offering of betel-nuts
and the telling of names, which occupies such an important place in
the narratives. The use of betel-nut for chewing is less common among
the Tinguian people than with most other Philippine tribes, a fact
which may be accounted for by their constant use of tobacco. However,
betel-nuts still occupy a most important place in the various
ceremonies, and many offerings intended for the spirits must be
accompanied with the prepared nut. In nearly every instance when
invitations were sent out, for a ceremony, the people of the tales
intrusted an oiled betel-nut covered with gold with this duty. This
has its counterpart to-day in the small gifts of gold which are
often carried to some friend, in another town, whose presence is
particularly desired. It seems not improbable that the golden colored
husks of the ripe betel-nuts may have suggested the substitution.

Magic was practiced extensively in "the first time," but it is by
no means unknown to the people of the present day. They cannot now
bring a dead person to life, or create human beings out of bits of
betel-nut; but they can and do cause sickness and death to their foes
by performing certain rites or directing actions against garments or
other objects recently in their possession. Even the name of an enemy
can be applied to an animal or inanimate object and action against
it be transferred to the owner.

Like the Tinguian, the people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan are warned
or encouraged by omens received through the medium of birds, thunder,
lightning, or the condition of the gall and liver of a slaughtered pig;
[63] and like them they suffer for failure to heed these warnings,
or for the infraction of a taboo.

The myths of the first division make it plain that, to the people of
those times, the sun, moon, and stars were animate--either spirits or
human beings. In some cases a similar conception was held for thunder
and lightning, while in others they appear as animals. It will appear
that such ideas are not foreign to the second division of the tales,
which represent present day beliefs. Thus, in the mountain village
of Baay the sky is considered as a male spirit--the husband of the
earth, and father of sun and moon. Again, in Lagangilang and Abang,
the thunderbolt is identified as Kadaklan--the most powerful of all
spirits--who "often eats the ground and releases his wife Agemem."

This brings us to a most interesting question, namely: Are the chief
actors in our tales to be considered as celestial beings and spirits,
or as human heroes? We have already made note of the fact that in the
first tale Aponitolau is identified with Ini-init whom, we are told,
was "the sun," "the man who makes the sun," "a round stone which
rolls." In this tale he marries Aponibolinayen, a maiden whose name
may possibly be construed to mean "the woman in the moon." [64]
However, we find Aponitolau abandoning his place in the sky and
going to reside in Kadalayapan. This tale comes from the town of
Langangilang where, as we have already seen, the celestial beings
are regarded as spirits. Tale fifteen, coming from the same town,
shows us this same Aponitolau going up to the sky, where he marries
the spirit Kabkabaga-an, but as before he returns to his home below. A
further indication of his celestial character is perhaps afforded us
in tale fourteen, which was recorded in Patok, a valley town in which
the sun, moon, and stars are now regarded as "lights" belonging to
the spirit Kadaklan. Here we find that Aponitolau marries the star
maid Gaygayóma, who is the daughter of the big star Bagbagak, and
Sinag--the moon. In this same tale Aponibolinayen appears as the
first wife of Aponitolau, and it is clear that in the mind of the
story teller she is not identified with Sinag. Aponitolau appears in
the other tales without any hint of celestial qualities. Aside from
her name and the fact that she is once pictured as visiting the sky,
there is nothing to indicate that his wife Aponibolinayen is to be
considered as the moon. A careful study of the other characters who
reside in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan fails to yield any evidence that
they are considered as celestial beings.

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