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A Study in Tinguian Folk Lore

F >> Fay Cooper Cole >> A Study in Tinguian Folk Lore




During the Sayang ceremony held in San Juan, a certain man and woman,
who are then called Iwaginán and Gimbagon, [65] represent the good
spirits and are defended by the people when evil spirits try to
dispossess them of their property. This is the only instance I have
observed in which the names of any of these characters of the tales
appear in the ceremonies, while a list of more than one hundred and
fifty spirits known to the Tinguian fails to reveal more.

While in the practice of magic, and in their communication with nature,
celestial bodies, and spirits, these "people of the first times"
far excelled the present Tinguian, they had a material culture and
ceremonial life much like that still found in Abra.

It seems then that these people, about whom the stories cluster, are
not to be identified as celestial beings or spirits. [66] They appear
rather as generalized heroes whose life and deeds represent that of
an earlier period, magnified and extolled by succeeding generations.


RITUALISTIC AND EXPLANATORY MYTHS

The second division of the tales now assumes a position of importance
to us, for in it we find present day ideas and beliefs of the people
strongly brought out, and are thus in a position to contrast them
with the tenets of the people in "the first times."

The influence of custom is exceedingly strong among the Tinguian of
to-day. The fact that the ancestors did so and so is sufficient
justification for performing any act for which they have no
definite explanation. Nowhere is this influence greater than in the
ceremonies. These, which accompany all the important happenings in
their daily life, are conducted by mediums who are fitted for office
by long training, and each one of whom is a check on the others if
they wilfully or through carelessness deviate from the old forms. The
ritual of these ceremonies is very complex and the reason for doing
many acts now seems to be entirely lost, yet the one explanation
"kadaúyan"--custom--is sufficient to satisfy any Tinguian. Other acts,
as well as the possession of certain things, are explained by myths,
such as we are considering. It seems certain that we are here dealing
not with present day beliefs alone, but with at least relatively old
customs and tales, which while enabling us to understand present day
conceptions also give us a glimpse into the past.

The myths 32-40, which are known to the people as diams, are now
inseparable parts of the various ceremonies. Thus, when a pig is to
be offered in the Sayang ceremony, the medium sits down beside it and
strokes it with oiled fingers while she "talks to the spirits." The
translation of her "talk" shows that this is in no sense a prayer
but is rather an account of how the greatest of the spirits taught
the Tinguian people to perform this ceremony correctly. Likewise,
when she offers food in the Dawak [67] ceremony, she relates how the
spirit Kaboniyan taught the Tinguian to do this in the same manner
that he performs it. In the Pala-an [68] diam she relates, in story
form, the cause of the sickness, but in this case ends with a direct
invocation to the spirits in Dadáya to "make them well again if you
please." The balance of the diams, 35-40, are in story form, and
seem intended more as an explanation to the people as to the causes
of their troubles than to be directed toward the spirits. However,
the medium seldom has an audience, and rarely ever a single listener,
as she recites the diams she has learned verbatim from her instructors
when preparing for the duties of her office.

Myths 41-54 are of quite a different type. They are generally told
by the mediums or wise old people, during the ceremonies, but always
to a crowd of eager listeners. They are not learned word for word, as
are the diams, but their content is constant and they are thoroughly
believed.

That they exert a great influence on the beliefs and conduct of
both old and young is undoubted. The evil which befalls a person who
molests the guardian stones is thus made known even to the children who
generally keep at a distance from the grove in which they stand. Again,
these tales give sharp warning as to what befalls a person who even
ignorantly breaks the taboos following a death; but at the same time
advance means of thwarting the wrath of the enraged or evil spirits.

Myths 55 to 62 at first glance to not appear to be explanatory
at all, but seem rather to be a series of stories dealing with the
relations between certain persons and the natural spirits or those of
the dead. However, it is the intent and use rather than the form of
these stories which has caused them to be included in this division,
for they give the people authority for certain beliefs and conceptions
which they hold. Tale 56 gives us a glimpse of the prevalent idea of
the abode of the dead, where the spirits lead much the same sort of
life as they did while alive, but we secure quite a different picture
of this realm from the Baluga [69] tale, in which the home of the
deceased is said to be in the ground while the "life" of the dead
woman is kept in a bamboo cup. This last account was heard in Manabo,
a town near to the Igorot settlements of the Upit river, and may be
influenced by the beliefs held in that section. [70]

Certain individuals appear to have intimate dealings with the natural
spirits, in some instances even being joined to them in marriage. The
afterbirth child, Sayen, is believed to have lived "not very long
ago;" yet we find his life and actions quite similar to those of
the heroes in "the first times," while his foster mother--the alan
[71]--takes the same part as did the alan of old.

Relations 63 to 74 appear as pure explanatory tales, accounting
for the existence and appearance of celestial bodies and animals in
their present state; they also account for the possession of fire and
of many prized objects, such as jars and agate beads. Incidentally
many essential traits and old customs come out, such, for instance,
as those of war and mourning, which appear in connection with the
origin of the kalau. [72]

With few exceptions the myths of this division correspond to present
beliefs; the spirits are those known to-day; the towns mentioned are
now existing or their former locations are well known. They have thus
the appearance of being of more recent origin than those of the first
division, yet it is worthy of note that there is little in them which
seems foreign to or out of keeping with the older tales.


FABLES

The last division may be said to be made up of fables, for the story
tellers without hesitation label them as fictions. The last of these
appears to be only a worked over incident of myth 56, in which the
big bird Banog carries the hero to its nest, from which he escapes
by holding to the wings of the young birds. It is possible that more
of these fables are likewise incidents in tales prevalent among the
Tinguian, but not heard by the writer. Whether or no this be true, it
is certain that most of these stories are well known to the Ilocano
of the coast and the other Christianized natives throughout the
archipelago. Comparison with the folk-lore from other regions shows
that these stories are by no means confined to the Philippines. The
chief incidents in the narrative of the turtle and the monkey have been
recorded from the Kenyah of Borneo [73] and from the northern peninsula
of Celebes; [74] the race between the shell and the carabao is told in
British North Borneo [75] in regard to the plandok and crab, while it
is known to European children as the race between the turtle and the
hare. The threat of the mosquito in 84 is almost identical with that
recorded by Evans in Borneo; [76] while many incidents in the fable
of Dogidog [77] are found in the Iban story of Simpang Impang. [78]

When comparing the Tinguian versions of these fables with those of the
Ilocano, one is impressed with the fact that while the incidents upon
which they are founded are often identical, the stories themselves
have frequently been moulded and changed by the tellers, who have
introduced bits of old customs and beliefs until they reflect, in a
way, the prevalent ideas of the people. Thus in the story of the magic
poncho, [79] which is evidently of Spanish introduction, the owner
is identified as the banbantay--a well-known minor spirit. Again,
the first part of tale 85 is identical with that of the Ilocano,
but ends with the parents of the groom preparing the things used in
the pakálon--a very necessary part of the Tinguian marriage ceremony.

The footnotes have called attention to the many incidents which have
their parallels in other districts. Reference to these shows that
a large percentage are found in the islands toward the south. While
recognizing that similarity of incidents does not necessarily mean
identity of origin, we must still give full credit to the effects
of borrowing, even over great distances. The easy communication
along the coast during the past four hundred years and the contact
with Spanish and Christianized officials and traders will readily
explain the likeness of the tales in Division III to those held in
distant islands, or even in Europe, but, as just noted, these are
now undergoing change. Doubtless a similar inflow had been taking
place, although at a slower rate, long before the Spaniards reached
the Islands, and Tinguian mythology has grown up as the result of
blending of native tales with those of other areas, the whole being
worked over and reshaped until it fitted the social setting.

Previous writers--among them Ratzel and Graebner [80]--have sought
to account for certain resemblances in culture, between Malaysia,
Polynesia, and America, by historical connection. A part of our
material--such as that of the blood-clot child (p. 125), [81] the rape
of the maiden by the vine which carries her to the sky (p. 33), [82]
the magic flight (p. 75), [83] and magic growth (p. 38) [84]--may seem
to lend support to such a theory. These similarities are assuredly
suggestive and interesting, but it appears to the writer that the
material is too scanty and the folklore of intervening lands too
little known to justify us in considering them as convincing proof
of borrowing over such immense distances. [85]



GENERAL RESULTS

Our study has brought out certain general results. We have seen
that Tinguian folklore has much in common with that of other tribes
and lands. While a part of this similarity is doubtless due to
borrowing--a process which can still be seen at work--a considerable
portion of the tales is probably of local and fairly recent origin,
while the balance appears to be very old. These older tales are so
intimately interwoven with the ceremonies, beliefs, and culture of this
people that they may safely be considered as having been developed by
them. They are doubtless much influenced by present day conditions,
for each story teller must, even unconsciously, read into them some
of his own experiences and the current beliefs of the tribe. At the
same time these traditional accounts doubtless exercise a potent
influence on the thoughts, beliefs, and actions of the people. In
Tinguian society, where custom still holds undisputed sway, these
well-known tales of past times must tend to cast into the same mould
any new facts or experiences which come to them.

We believe that we are justified when we take the viewpoint of
the Tinguian and consider "the stories of the first times" as
essentially very old. How old it is impossible to state definitely,
but a careful analysis of our material justifies us in believing that
they reflect a time before the people possessed terraced rice fields,
when domestic work animals were still unknown, and the horse had not
yet been introduced into their land. That these are not recent events
is attested by the great part they all now play in the ceremonial
and economic life. It is evident that outside influences of great
importance were introduced at a period later than the time when the
Chinese first began to trade along the coasts of the Philippines for
the prized jars, which play such an important rôle in the mythology,
are not to be identified as those of native make but are ancient
Chinese vessels dating back at least to the fourteenth and perhaps
even to the tenth century. [86]

It is probable that the glass, porcelain, and agate beads, which
are second only to the jars in importance, are exceedingly old. Many
ancient specimens are still in use and are held for as fabulous prices
as are those found among the interior tribes of Borneo. Nieuwenhuis
has shown that the manufacture of beads had become a great industry
in the middle ages, and had extended even to China and Japan, whence
the products may have spread contemporaneously with the pottery. [87]

We have seen that, for the most part, the life, customs, and beliefs
which appear in our reconstruction of "the first times" agrees
closely with present conditions; certain things which seem formerly
to have been of prime importance--such as the sending of a betel-nut
covered with gold to invite guests to a festival or ceremony--appear
to have their echo in present conditions. The betel-nut which played
such a momentous part in the old times still holds its place in the
rituals of the many ceremonies, although it is not now much used in
daily life. The magic of to-day is less powerful than formerly, but is
still a tremendous force. The communication of the ancient people with
other members of the animate world, as well as with the inanimate and
spiritual, and their metamorphosis into animals and the like, offers
nothing strange or inconsistent to the people of to-day. They even now
talk to jars, they converse with spirits who come to them through the
bodies of their mediums, and people only recently deceased are known to
have had the power of changing themselves, at will, into other forms.

In short, there is no sharp break between the mode of thought of to-day
and that exhibited in the folklore. It is true that the tales give
sanction to some things not in agreement with Tinguian usage--such,
for instance, as the marriage of relatives, or the method of disposing
of the dead--and it may be that we have here a remembrance of customs
which long ago fell into disuse.

In a previous paper [88] the writer showed that there have been many
migrations into Abra from the north, south, and west. A part of the
emigrants have become thoroughly amalgamated with the Tinguian people
and have doubtless introduced some part of their material culture
and beliefs. This helps us to understand such conflicts as we have
already noted in regard to the place held by thunder and lightning
in the spirit world, as to the future abode of the spirits of the
departed, as well as other discrepancies which the limits of this
paper have prevented us from discussing.

It is not impossible that those customs of "the first times," which
are at variance with those of to-day, may represent older ideas which
have been swamped, or, on the other hand, the memory of the strange
customs once practiced by the emigrants may have caused them to be
attributed to the people of the tales.

Finally, we believe that a study of Tinguian mythology has shown us
that we can gain a real knowledge of the past of a people through
their folklore; that we can secure an insight into their mental life;
and can learn something of the valuation they attach to certain of
their activities and beliefs, which to us may seem at the surface
trite and trivial.



ABSTRACTS


I


1

Two women are gathering greens when a vine wraps around one and
carries her to the sky. She is placed near to spring, the sands of
which are rare beads. Small house near by proves to be home of the
sun. Woman hides until owner goes into sky to shine, then goes to
house and prepares food. Breaks up fish stick and cooks it. It becomes
fish. Single grain of rice cooked in pot the size of a "rooster's egg"
becomes sufficient for her meal. Goes to sleep in house. Sun returns
and sees house which appears to be burning. Investigates and finds
appearance of flames comes from beautiful woman. Starts to prepare
food, but awakens visitor. She vanishes. Each day sun finds food
cooked for him. Gets big star to take his place in sky; returns home
unexpectedly and surprises woman. They chew betel-nut together and
tell their names. The quids turn to agate beads, showing them to be
related, and thus suitable for marriage. Each night sun catches fish,
but woman refuses it, and furnishes meat by cooking fish stick.

Woman decides to go with husband on daily journey through sky. When
in middle of heavens she turns to oil. Husband puts her in a bottle
and drops it to earth. Bottle falls in woman's own town, where she
resumes old form and tells false tale of her absence. She becomes
ill, asks mother to prick her little finger. Mother does so and
child pops out. Child grows each time it is bathed. Girl refuses to
divulge name of child's father. Parents decide to celebrate balaua
and invite all people. Send out oiled betel-nuts covered with gold to
invite guests. When one refuses, nut begins to grow on his knee or
prized animal until invitation is accepted. Child is placed by gate
of town in hopes it will recognize its father. Gives no sign until
sun appears, then goes to it. Sun appears as round stone. Girl's
parents are angry because of her choice of a husband and send her
away without good clothes or ornaments.

Sun, wife and child return home. Sun assumes form of man. They
celebrate balaua and invite all their relatives. Guests chew betel-nuts
and the quid of the sun goes to that of Pagbokásan, so it is known
that the latter is his father. Parents of sun pay marriage price to
girl's people.




2

Aponibolinayen who is very ill expresses a desire for mangoes
which belong to Algaba of Dalaga. Her brother dispatches two men
with presents to secure them. One carries an earring, the other an
egg. On way egg hatches and soon becomes a rooster which crows. They
spread a belt on the water and ride across the river. When they bathe,
the drops of water from their bodies turn to agate beads. Find way
to Algaba's house by following the row of headbaskets, which reaches
from the river to his dwelling. Defensive fence around the town is
made up of boa constrictors, which sleep as they pass. Algaba seizes
his spear and headaxe intending to kill the visitors, but weapons
shed tears of oil. He takes other weapons, but they weep tears of
blood. He then makes friends of the intruders. Learning their mission
he refuses their gifts, but gets fruit and returns with them to their
town. On way he uses magic and causes the death of Aponibolinayen. He
takes her in his arms and restores her to life. While she rests in his
arms, their rings exchange themselves. They chew betel-nuts and tell
their names. The quids turn to agate beads and lie in rows. This is
good sign. They marry and go to Algaba's town. They celebrate Sayang
and send betel-nuts to invite their relatives. When the guests cross
the river, the drops of water which run from their bodies are agate
beads and stones of the river are of gold. Guests all chew betel-nut
and lay down their quids. By arrangement of quids they learn the true
parents of Algaba. His brother-in-law wishes to marry his new found
sister and offers an engagement present. An earring is put in a jar
and it is at once filled with gold, but Algaba lifts his eyebrows and
half of the gold vanishes. Another earring is put in jar, and it is
again full. Marriage price is paid later.


3

Aponitolau falls in love with girl he meets at the spring. They
chew betel-nuts and tell their names. Girl gives false name and
vanishes. Aponitolau sends his mother to arrange for his marriage
with the girl. She wears a hat which is like a bird, and it gives
her a bad sign, but she goes on. She crosses river by using her
belt as a raft. The girl's parents agree to the match and price
to be paid. Girl accepts a little jar and agate beads as engagement
present. When Aponitolau goes to claim bride, he finds he is betrothed
to wrong girl. His parents celebrate Sayang and invite many people,
hoping to learn identity of girl at spring. She does not attend,
but Aponitolau finds her among betel-nuts brought him by the spirit
helpers. They chew betel-nuts and learn they are related and that
both possess magical power.

After their marriage Aponitolau goes to his field. There he keeps
many kinds of jars which act like cattle. He feeds them with lawed
leaves and salt. While he is gone, the woman to whom he was first
betrothed kills his new wife. He restores her to life. Takes her and
her parents to the field to see him feed his jars.


4

A bird directs Aponitolau in his search for the maiden Asibowan. Girl
furnishes him with food by cooking a fish stick. They have a daughter
who grows one span each time she is bathed. Aponitolau discovers that
his parents are searching for him, and determines to go home. Asibowan
refuses to accompany him, but uses magic and transfers him and child
to his town.

Aponitolau falls in love with girl he sees bathing, and his mother
goes to consult her parents. She crosses river by using her belt as a
raft; when she bathes, the drops of water from her body become agate
beads. The girl's people agree to the marriage and accept payment
for her.

Aponitolau and his bride celebrate Sayang and send out betel-nuts to
invite the guests. Asibowan refuses to attend, but a betel-nut grows
on her pig until, out of pity, she consents.

After the ceremony the brother of the bride turns himself into a
firefly and follows her new sister-in-law. Later he again assumes
human form and secures her as his wife.


5

The mother of Gawigawen is well received when she goes to seek a
wife for her son. The girl's mother furnishes fish by breaking and
cooking the fish stick. A day is set for payment of the marriage
price. Guests assemble and dance. When bride dances she is so beautiful
that sunshine vanishes, water from the river comes up into the town
and fish bite her heels. When she arrives at her husband's home, she
finds sands and grass of spring are made up of beads, and the walk
and place to set jars are large plates. Her husband cuts off head of
an old man and a new spring appears; his blood becomes beads and his
body a great shade tree. Bride who has not yet seen the face of her
husband is misled by evil tales of jealous women, and believes him
to be a monster. During night she turns to oil, slips through floor
and escapes. In jungle she meets rooster and monkey, who tell her she
is mistaken and advise her to return home. She continues her way and
finally reaches ocean. Is carried across by a carabao which at once
informs its master of the girl's presence.

The master comes and meets girl. They chew betel-nut, and the quids
turn to agate beads, so they marry.

They make Sayang and send betel-nuts to summon relatives. Nuts grow
on pet pigs of those who refuse to go.

Guests are carried across river by betel-nuts. During dance Gawigawen
recognizes his lost wife and seizes her. Is speared to death by the
new husband, but is later brought back to life. In meantime the alan
(spirits) inform the parents of the new groom that he is their child
(from menstrual blood). Parents repay Gawigawen for his lost bride,
and also make payment to the girl's family.


6

The enemies of Aponibolinayen, thinking her without the protection
of a brother, go to fight her. She glances off their spears with
her elbows. Her weapons kill all but Ginambo, who agrees to continue
fight in one month.

Aponigawani has a similar experience with her enemies. A month later
the two women meet as they go to continue the fight against their
foes. They chew betel-nut, and quid of Aponibolinayen is covered with
gold and that of her companion becomes an agate bead. They agree to aid
each other. Go to fight and are hard pressed by foes. Spirit helpers
go to summon aid of two men who turn out to be their brothers--were
miscarriage children who had been raised by the alan. They go to
aid sisters and kill so many people that pig troughs are floating in
blood. One puts girls inside belt. They kill all the enemies and send
their heads and plunder to the girls' homes. Brothers take girls to
their parents. Father and mother of Aponigawani celebrate balaua and
summon guests by means of oiled betel-nuts covered with gold. Guests
chew betel-nut and spittle of children goes to that of parents,
so relationship is established. Alan explain how they raised the
miscarriage children. Heads of enemies are placed around the town
and people dance for one month. Aponibolinayen marries brother of
Aponigawani, who in turn marries the brother of her friend. Usual
celebration and payments made. Relatives receive part of price paid
for brides.


7

Aponitolau dons his best garments, takes his headaxe and spear,
and goes to fight. When he reaches the spring which belongs to the
ten-headed giant Giambólan, he kills all the girls, who are there
getting water, and takes their heads. The giant in vain tries to
injure him. Spear and headaxe of Aponitolau kill the giant and all
the people of his town and cut off their heads. Heads are sent in
order to hero's town--giants' heads first, then men's, and finally
women's. On return journey Aponitolau is followed by enemies. He
commands his flint and steel to become a high bank which prevents
his foes from following. Upon his arrival home a great celebration
is held; people dance, and skulls are placed around the town.

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