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The Advancement of Learning

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(4) Which felicity of times under learned princes (to keep still
the law of brevity, by using the most eminent and selected examples)
doth best appear in the age which passed from the death of
Domitianus the emperor until the reign of Commodus; comprehending a
succession of six princes, all learned, or singular favourers and
advancers of learning, which age for temporal respects was the most
happy and flourishing that ever the Roman Empire (which then was a
model of the world) enjoyed--a matter revealed and prefigured unto
Domitian in a dream the night before he was slain: for he thought
there was grown behind upon his shoulders a neck and a head of gold,
which came accordingly to pass in those golden times which
succeeded; of which princes we will make some commemoration;
wherein, although the matter will be vulgar, and may be thought
fitter for a declamation than agreeable to a treatise infolded as
this is, yet, because it is pertinent to the point in hand--Neque
semper arcum tendit Apollo--and to name them only were too naked and
cursory, I will not omit it altogether. The first was Nerva, the
excellent temper of whose government is by a glance in Cornelius
Tacitus touched to the life: Postquam divus Nerva res oluim
insociabiles miscuisset, imperium et libertatem. And in token of
his learning, the last act of his short reign left to memory was a
missive to his adopted son, Trajan, proceeding upon some inward
discontent at the ingratitude of the times, comprehended in a verse
of Homer's -


"Telis, Phoebe, tuis, lacrymas ulciscere nostras."


(5) Trajan, who succeeded, was for his person not learned; but if we
will hearken to the speech of our Saviour, that saith, "He that
receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet shall have a prophet's
reward," he deserveth to be placed amongst the most learned princes;
for there was not a greater admirer of learning or benefactor of
learning, a founder of famous libraries, a perpetual advancer of
learned men to office, and familiar converser with learned
professors and preceptors who were noted to have then most credit in
court. On the other side how much Trajan's virtue and government
was admired and renowned, surely no testimony of grave and faithful
history doth more lively set forth than that legend tale of
Gregorius Magnum, Bishop of Rome, who was noted for the extreme envy
he bare towards all heathen excellency; and yet he is reported, out
of the love and estimation of Trajan's moral virtues, to have made
unto God passionate and fervent prayers for the delivery of his soul
out of hell, and to have obtained it, with a caveat that he should
make no more such petitions. In this prince's time also the
persecutions against the Christians received intermission upon the
certificate of Plinius Secundus, a man of excellent learning and by
Trajan advanced.

(6) Adrian, his successor, was the most curious man that lived, and
the most universal inquirer: insomuch as it was noted for an error
in his mind that he desired to comprehend all things, and not to
reserve himself for the worthiest things, falling into the like
humour that was long before noted in Philip of Macedon, who, when he
would needs overrule and put down an excellent musician in an
argument touching music, was well answered by him again--"God
forbid, sir," saith he, "that your fortune should be so bad as to
know these things better than I." It pleased God likewise to use
the curiosity of this emperor as an inducement to the peace of His
Church in those days; for having Christ in veneration, not as a God
or Saviour, but as a wonder or novelty, and having his picture in
his gallery matched with Apollonius (with whom in his vain
imagination he thought its had some conformity), yet it served the
turn to allay the bitter hatred of those times against the Christian
name, so as the Church had peace during his time. And for his
government civil, although he did not attain to that of Trajan's in
glory of arms or perfection of justice, yet in deserving of the weal
of the subject he did exceed him. For Trajan erected many famous
monuments and buildings, insomuch as Constantine the Great in
emulation was wont to call him Parietaria, "wall-flower," because
his name was upon so many walls; but his buildings and works were
more of glory and triumph than use and necessity. But Adrian spent
his whole reign, which was peaceable, in a perambulation or survey
of the Roman Empire, giving order and making assignation where he
went for re-edifying of cities, towns, and forts decayed, and for
cutting of rivers and streams, and for making bridges and passages,
and for policing of cities and commonalties with new ordinances and
constitutions, and granting new franchises and incorporations; so
that his whole time was a very restoration of all the lapses and
decays of former times.

(7) Antoninus Pius, who succeeded him, was a prince excellently
learned, and had the patient and subtle wit of a schoolman, insomuch
as in common speech (which leaves no virtue untaxed) he was called
Cymini Sector, a carver or a divider of cummin seed, which is one of
the least seeds. Such a patience he had and settled spirit to enter
into the least and most exact differences of causes, a fruit no
doubt of the exceeding tranquillity and serenity of his mind, which
being no ways charged or encumbered, either with fears, remorses, or
scruples, but having been noted for a man of the purest goodness,
without all fiction or affectation, that hath reigned or lived, made
his mind continually present and entire. He likewise approached a
degree nearer unto Christianity, and became, as Agrippa said unto
St. Paul, "half a Christian," holding their religion and law in good
opinion, and not only ceasing persecution, but giving way to the
advancement of Christians.

(5) There succeeded him the first Divi fratres, the two adoptive
brethren--Lucius Commodus Verus, son to AElius Verus, who delighted
much in the softer kind of learning, and was wont to call the poet
Martial his Virgil; and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus: whereof the
latter, who obscured his colleague and survived him long, was named
the "Philosopher," who, as he excelled all the rest in learning, so
he excelled them likewise in perfection of all royal virtues;
insomuch as Julianus the emperor, in his book entitled Caersares,
being as a pasquil or satire to deride all his predecessors, feigned
that they were all invited to a banquet of the gods, and Silenus the
jester sat at the nether end of the table and bestowed a scoff on
everyone as they came in; but when Marcus Philosophus came in,
Silenus was gravelled and out of countenance, not knowing where to
carp at him, save at the last he gave a glance at his patience
towards his wife. And the virtue of this prince, continued with
that of his predecessor, made the name of Antoninus so sacred in the
world, that though it were extremely dishonoured in Commodus,
Caracalla, and Heliogabalus, who all bare the name, yet, when
Alexander Severus refused the name because he was a stranger to the
family, the Senate with one acclamation said, Quomodo Augustus, sic
et Antoninus. In such renown and veneration was the name of these
two princes in those days, that they would have had it as a
perpetual addition in all the emperors' style. In this emperor's
time also the Church for the most part was in peace; so as in this
sequence of six princes we do see the blessed effects of learning in
sovereignty, painted forth in the greatest table of the world.

(9) But for a tablet or picture of smaller volume (not presuming to
speak of your Majesty that liveth), in my judgment the most
excellent is that of Queen Elizabeth, your immediate predecessor in
this part of Britain; a prince that, if Plutarch were now alive to
write lives by parallels, would trouble him, I think, to find for
her a parallel amongst women. This lady was endued with learning in
her sex singular, and rare even amongst masculine princes--whether
we speak of learning, of language, or of science, modern or ancient,
divinity or humanity--and unto the very last year of her life she
accustomed to appoint set hours for reading, scarcely any young
student in a university more daily or more duly. As for her
government, I assure myself (I shall not exceed if I do affirm) that
this part of the island never had forty-five years of better tines,
and yet not through the calmness of the season, but through the
wisdom of her regiment. For if there be considered, of the one
side, the truth of religion established, the constant peace and
security, the good administration of justice, the temperate use of
the prerogative, not slackened, nor much strained; the flourishing
state of learning, sortable to so excellent a patroness; the
convenient estate of wealth and means, both of crown and subject;
the habit of obedience, and the moderation of discontents; and there
be considered, on the other side, the differences of religion, the
troubles of neighbour countries, the ambition of Spain, and
opposition of Rome, and then that she was solitary and of herself;
these things, I say, considered, as I could not have chosen an
instance so recent and so proper, so I suppose I could not have
chosen one more remarkable or eminent to the purpose now in hand,
which is concerning the conjunction of learning in the prince with
felicity in the people.

(10) Neither hath learning an influence and operation only upon
civil merit and moral virtue, and the arts or temperature of peace
and peaceable government; but likewise it hath no less power and
efficacy in enablement towards martial and military virtue and
prowess, as may be notably represented in the examples of Alexander
the Great and Caesar the Dictator (mentioned before, but now in fit
place to be resumed), of whose virtues and acts in war there needs
no note or recital, having been the wonders of time in that kind;
but of their affections towards learning and perfections in learning
it is pertinent to say somewhat.

(11) Alexander was bred and taught under Aristotle, the great
philosopher, who dedicated divers of his books of philosophy unto
him; he was attended with Callisthenes and divers other learned
persons, that followed him in camp, throughout his journeys and
conquests. What price and estimation he had learning in doth
notably appear in these three particulars: first, in the envy he
used to express that he bare towards Achilles, in this, that he had
so good a trumpet of his praises as Homer's verses; secondly, in the
judgment or solution he gave touching that precious cabinet of
Darius, which was found among his jewels (whereof question was made
what thing was worthy to be put into it, and he gave his opinion for
Homer's works); thirdly, in his letter to Aristotle, after he had
set forth his books of nature, wherein he expostulateth with him for
publishing the secrets or mysteries of philosophy; and gave him to
understand that himself esteemed it more to excel other men in
learning and knowledge than in power and empire. And what use he
had of learning doth appear, or rather shine, in all his speeches
and answers, being full of science and use of science, and that in
all variety.

(12) And herein again it may seem a thing scholastical, and somewhat
idle to recite things that every man knoweth; but yet, since the
argument I handle leadeth me thereunto, I am glad that men shall
perceive I am as willing to flatter (if they will so call it) an
Alexander, or a Caesar, or an Antoninus, that are dead many hundred
years since, as any that now liveth; for it is the displaying of the
glory of learning in sovereignty that I propound to myself, and not
a humour of declaiming in any man's praises. Observe, then, the
speech he used of Diogenes, and see if it tend not to the true state
of one of the greatest questions of moral philosophy: whether the
enjoying of outward things, or the contemning of them, be the
greatest happiness; for when he saw Diogenes so perfectly contented
with so little, he said to those that mocked at his condition, "were
I not Alexander, I would wish to be Diogenes." But Seneca inverteth
it, and saith, "Plus erat, quod hic nollet accipere, quam quod ille
posset dare." There were more things which Diogenes would have
refused than those were which Alexander could have given or enjoyed.

(13) Observe, again, that speech which was usual with him,--"That he
felt his mortality chiefly in two things, sleep and lust;" and see
if it were not a speech extracted out of the depth of natural
philosophy, and liker to have come out of the mouth of Aristotle or
Democritus than from Alexander.

(14) See, again, that speech of humanity and poesy, when, upon the
bleeding of his wounds, he called unto him one of his flatterers,
that was wont to ascribe to him divine honour, and said, "Look, this
is very blood; this is not such a liquor as Homer speaketh of, which
ran from Venus' hand when it was pierced by Diomedes."

(15) See likewise his readiness in reprehension of logic in the
speech he used to Cassander, upon a complaint that was made against
his father Antipater; for when Alexander happened to say, "Do you
think these men would have come from so far to complain except they
had just cause of grief?" and Cassander answered, "Yea, that was the
matter, because they thought they should not be disproved;" said
Alexander, laughing, "See the subtleties of Aristotle, to take a
matter both ways, pro et contra, &c."

(16) But note, again, how well he could use the same art which he
reprehended to serve his own humour: when bearing a secret grudge
to Callisthenes, because he was against the new ceremony of his
adoration, feasting one night where the same Callisthenes was at the
table, it was moved by some after supper, for entertainment sake,
that Callisthenes, who was an eloquent man, might speak of some
theme or purpose at his own choice; which Callisthenes did, choosing
the praise of the Macedonian nation for his discourse, and
performing the same with so good manner as the hearers were much
ravished; whereupon Alexander, nothing pleased, said, "It was easy
to be eloquent upon so good a subject; but," saith he, "turn your
style, and let us hear what you can say against us;" which
Callisthenes presently undertook, and did with that sting and life
that Alexander interrupted him, and said, "The goodness of the cause
made him eloquent before, and despite made him eloquent then again."

(17) Consider further, for tropes of rhetoric, that excellent use of
a metaphor or translation, wherewith he taxeth Antipater, who was an
imperious and tyrannous governor; for when one of Antipater's
friends commended him to Alexander for his moderation, that he did
not degenerate as his other lieutenants did into the Persian pride,
in uses of purple, but kept the ancient habit of Macedon, of black.
"True," saith Alexander; "but Antipater is all purple within." Or
that other, when Parmenio came to him in the plain of Arbela and
showed him the innumerable multitude of his enemies, specially as
they appeared by the infinite number of lights as it had been a new
firmament of stars, and thereupon advised him to assail them by
night; whereupon he answered, "That he would not steal the victory."

(18) For matter of policy, weigh that significant distinction, so
much in all ages embraced, that he made between his two friends
Hephaestion and Craterus, when he said, "That the one loved
Alexander, and the other loved the king:" describing the principal
difference of princes' best servants, that some in affection love
their person, and other in duty love their crown.

(19) Weigh also that excellent taxation of an error, ordinary with
counsellors of princes, that they counsel their masters according to
the model of their own mind and fortune, and not of their masters.
When upon Darius' great offers Parmenio had said, "Surely I would
accept these offers were I as Alexander;" saith Alexander, "So would
I were I as Parmenio."

(20) Lastly, weigh that quick and acute reply which he made when he
gave so large gifts to his friends and servants, and was asked what
he did reserve for himself, and he answered, "Hope." Weigh, I say,
whether he had not cast up his account aright, because hope must be
the portion of all that resolve upon great enterprises; for this was
Caesar's portion when he went first into Gaul, his estate being then
utterly overthrown with largesses. And this was likewise the
portion of that noble prince, howsoever transported with ambition,
Henry Duke of Guise, of whom it was usually said that he was the
greatest usurer in France, because he had turned all his estate into
obligations.

(21) To conclude, therefore, as certain critics are used to say
hyperbolically, "That if all sciences were lost they might be found
in Virgil," so certainly this may be said truly, there are the
prints and footsteps of learning in those few speeches which are
reported of this prince, the admiration of whom, when I consider him
not as Alexander the Great, but as Aristotle's scholar, hath carried
me too far.

(22) As for Julius Caesar, the excellency of his learning needeth
not to be argued from his education, or his company, or his
speeches; but in a further degree doth declare itself in his
writings and works: whereof some are extant and permanent, and some
unfortunately perished. For first, we see there is left unto us
that excellent history of his own wars, which he entitled only a
Commentary, wherein all succeeding times have admired the solid
weight of matter, and the real passages and lively images of actions
and persons, expressed in the greatest propriety of words and
perspicuity of narration that ever was; which that it was not the
effect of a natural gift, but of learning and precept, is well
witnessed by that work of his entitled De Analogia, being a
grammatical philosophy, wherein he did labour to make this same Vox
ad placitum to become Vox ad licitum, and to reduce custom of speech
to congruity of speech; and took as it were the pictures of words
from the life of reason.

(23) So we receive from him, as a monument both of his power and
learning, the then reformed computation of the year; well expressing
that he took it to be as great a glory to himself to observe and
know the law of the heavens, as to give law to men upon the earth.

(24) So likewise in that book of his, Anti-Cato, it may easily
appear that he did aspire as well to victory of wit as victory of
war: undertaking therein a conflict against the greatest champion
with the pen that then lived, Cicero the orator.

(25) So, again, in his book of Apophthegms, which he collected, we
see that he esteemed it more honour to make himself but a pair of
tables, to take the wise and pithy words of others, than to have
every word of his own to be made an apophthegm or an oracle, as vain
princes, by custom of flattery, pretend to do. And yet if I should
enumerate divers of his speeches, as I did those of Alexander, they
are truly such as Solomon noteth, when he saith, Verba sapientum
tanquam aculei, et tanquam clavi in altum defixi: whereof I will
only recite three, not so delectable for elegancy, but admirable for
vigour and efficacy.

(26) As first, it is reason he be thought a master of words, that
could with one word appease a mutiny in his army, which was thus:
The Romans, when their generals did speak to their army, did use the
word Milites, but when the magistrates spake to the people they did
use the word Quirites. The soldiers were in tumult, and seditiously
prayed to be cashiered; not that they so meant, but by expostulation
thereof to draw Caesar to other conditions; wherein he being
resolute not to give way, after some silence, he began his speech,
Ego Quirites, which did admit them already cashiered--wherewith they
were so surprised, crossed, and confused, as they would not suffer
him to go on in his speech, but relinquished their demands, and made
it their suit to be again called by the name of Milites.

(27) The second speech was thus: Caesar did extremely affect the
name of king; and some were set on as he passed by in popular
acclamation to salute him king. Whereupon, finding the cry weak and
poor, he put it off thus, in a kind of jest, as if they had mistaken
his surname: Non Rex sum, sed Caesar; a speech that, if it be
searched, the life and fulness of it can scarce be expressed. For,
first, it was a refusal of the name, but yet not serious; again, it
did signify an infinite confidence and magnanimity, as if he
presumed Caesar was the greater title, as by his worthiness it is
come to pass till this day. But chiefly it was a speech of great
allurement toward his own purpose, as if the state did strive with
him but for a name, whereof mean families were vested; for Rex was a
surname with the Romans, as well as King is with us.

(28) The last speech which I will mention was used to Metellus, when
Caesar, after war declared, did possess himself of this city of
Rome; at which time, entering into the inner treasury to take the
money there accumulate, Metellus, being tribune, forbade him.
Whereto Caesar said, "That if he did not desist, he would lay him
dead in the place." And presently taking himself up, he added,
"Young man, it is harder for me to speak it than to do it--
Adolescens, durius est mihi hoc dicere quam facere." A speech
compounded of the greatest terror and greatest clemency that could
proceed out of the mouth of man.

(29) But to return and conclude with him, it is evident himself knew
well his own perfection in learning, and took it upon him, as
appeared when upon occasion that some spake what a strange
resolution it was in Lucius Sylla to resign his dictators, he,
scoffing at him to his own advantage, answered, "That Sylla could
not skill of letters, and therefore knew not how to dictate."

(30) And here it were fit to leave this point, touching the
concurrence of military virtue and learning (for what example should
come with any grace after those two of Alexander and Caesar?), were
it not in regard of the rareness of circumstance, that I find in one
other particular, as that which did so suddenly pass from extreme
scorn to extreme wonder: and it is of Xenophon the philosopher, who
went from Socrates' school into Asia in the expedition of Cyrus the
younger against King Artaxerxes. This Xenophon at that time was
very young, and never had seen the wars before, neither had any
command in the army, but only followed the war as a voluntary, for
the love and conversation of Proxenus, his friend. He was present
when Falinus came in message from the great king to the Grecians,
after that Cyrus was slain in the field, and they, a handful of men,
left to themselves in the midst of the king's territories, cut off
from their country by many navigable rivers and many hundred miles.
The message imported that they should deliver up their arms and
submit themselves to the king's mercy. To which message, before
answer was made, divers of the army conferred familiarly with
Falinus; and amongst the rest Xenophon happened to say, "Why,
Falinus, we have now but these two things left, our arms and our
virtue; and if we yield up our arms, how shall we make use of our
virtue?" Whereto Falinus, smiling on him, said, "If I be not
deceived, young gentleman, you are an Athenian, and I believe you
study philosophy, and it is pretty that you say; but you are much
abused if you think your virtue can withstand the king's power."
Here was the scorn; the wonder followed: which was that this young
scholar or philosopher, after all the captains were murdered in
parley by treason, conducted those ten thousand foot, through the
heart of all the king's high countries, from Babylon to Graecia in
safety, in despite of all the king's forces, to the astonishment of
the world, and the encouragement of the Grecians in times succeeding
to make invasion upon the kings of Persia, as was after purposed by
Jason the Thessalian, attempted by Agesilaus the Spartan, and
achieved by Alexander the Macedonian, all upon the ground of the act
of that young scholar.

VIII. (1) To proceed now from imperial and military virtue to moral
and private virtue; first, it is an assured truth, which is
contained in the verses:-


"Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes
Emollit mores nec sinit esse feros."


It taketh away the wildness and barbarism and fierceness of men's
minds; but indeed the accent had need be upon fideliter; for a
little superficial learning doth rather work a contrary effect. It
taketh away all levity, temerity, and insolency, by copious
suggestion of all doubts and difficulties, and acquainting the mind
to balance reasons on both sides, and to turn back the first offers
and conceits of the mind, and to accept of nothing but examined and
tried. It taketh away vain admiration of anything, which is the
root of all weakness. For all things are admired, either because
they are new, or because they are great. For novelty, no man that
wadeth in learning or contemplation thoroughly but will find that
printed in his heart, Nil novi super terram. Neither can any man
marvel at the play of puppets, that goeth behind the curtain, and
adviseth well of the motion. And for magnitude, as Alexander the
Great, after that he was used to great armies, and the great
conquests of the spacious provinces in Asia, when he received
letters out of Greece, of some fights and services there, which were
commonly for a passage or a fort, or some walled town at the most,
he said: --"It seemed to him that he was advertised of the battles
of the frogs and the mice, that the old tales went of." So
certainly, if a man meditate much upon the universal frame of
nature, the earth with men upon it (the divineness of souls except)
will not seem much other than an ant-hill, whereas some ants carry
corn, and some carry their young, and some go empty, and all to and
fro a little heap of dust. It taketh away or mitigateth fear of
death or adverse fortune, which is one of the greatest impediments
of virtue and imperfections of manners. For if a man's mind be
deeply seasoned with the consideration of the mortality and
corruptible nature of things, he will easily concur with Epictetus,
who went forth one day and saw a woman weeping for her pitcher of
earth that was broken, and went forth the next day and saw a woman
weeping for her son that was dead, and thereupon said, "Heri vidi
fragilem frangi, hodie vidi mortalem mori." And, therefore, Virgil
did excellently and profoundly couple the knowledge of causes and
the conquest of all fears together, as concomitantia.

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