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History of Louisisana

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The 15th they crossed several brooks and two little rivers. It is
chiefly on the banks of the waters that we find those enchanting
groves, adorned with grass underneath, and so clear of underwood, that
we may there hunt down the stag with ease.

The 16th they continued to pass over a similar landscape, the beauties
of which were never cloying. Besides the larger game, these groves
afforded also a retreat to flocks of turkeys.

The 17th they made very little way, because they wanted to get into
the right road, from which they had strayed the two preceding days,
which they at length recovered; and, at a small distance from their
camp, saw an encampment of the Padoucas, which appeared to have been
quitted only about eight days before. This yielded them so much the
more pleasure, as it shewed the nearness of that nation, which made
them encamp, after having travelled only six leagues, in order {65} to
make signals from that place, by setting fire to the parts of the
meadows which the general fire had spared. In a little time after the
signal was answered in the same manner; and confirmed by the arrival
of two Frenchmen, who had orders given them to make the signals.

On the 18th they met a little river of brackish water; on the banks of
which they found another encampment of the Padoucas, which appeared to
have been abandoned but four days before: at half a league further on,
a great smoke was seen to the west, at no great distance off, which
was answered by setting fire to the parts of the meadows, untouched by
the general fire.

About half an hour after, the Padoucas were observed coming at full
gallop with the flag which Gaillard had left them on his first journey
to their country. M. de Bourgmont instantly ordered the French under
arms, and at the head of his people thrice saluted these strangers
with his flag, which they also returned thrice, by raising their
mantles as many times over their heads.

After this first ceremony, M. de Bourgmont made them all sit down and
smoke in the Pipe of Peace. This action, being the seal of the peace,
diffused a general joy, accompanied with loud acclamations.

The Padoucas, after mounting the French and the Indians who
accompanied them, on their horses, set out for their camp: and after a
journey of three leagues, arrived at their encampment; but left a
distance of a gun-shot between the two camps.

The day after their arrival at the Padoucas, M. de Bourgmont caused
the goods allotted for this nation to be unpacked, and the different
species parcelled out, which he made them all presents of.[Footnote:
Red and blue Limburgs, shirts, fusils, sabres, gun-powder, ball,
musket-flints, gunscrews, mattocks, hatchets, looking-glasses, Flemish
knives, wood cutters knives, clasp-knives, scissars, combs, bells,
awls, needles, drinking glasses, brass-wire, boxes, rings, &c.]


After which M. de Bourgmont sent for the Grand Chief and other Chiefs
of the Padoucas, who came to the camp to the number of two hundred:
and placing himself between them and {66} the goods thus parcelled and
laid out to view, told them, he was sent by his Sovereign to carry
them the word of peace, this flag, and these goods, and to exhort them
to live as brethren with their neighbours the Panimahas, Aiaouez,
Othouez, Canzas, Missouris, Osages, and Illinois, to traffick and
truck freely together, and with the French.

He at the same time gave the flag to the Grand Chief of the Padoucas,
who received it with demonstrations of respect, and told him, I accept
this flag, which you present to me on the part of your Sovereign: we
rejoice at our having peace with all the nations you have mentioned;
and promise in the name of our nation never to make war on any of your
allies; but receive them, when they come among us, as our brethren; as
we shall, in like manner, the French, and conduct them, when they want
to go to the Spaniards, who are but twelve days journey from our
village, and who truck with us in horses, of which they have such
numbers, they know not what to do with them; also in bad hatchets of a
soft iron, and some knives, whose points they break off, lest we
should use them one day against themselves. You may command all my
Warriors; I can furnish you with upwards of two thousand. In my own,
and in the name of my whole nation, I entreat you to send some
Frenchmen to trade with us; we can supply them with horses, which we
truck with the Spaniards for buffalo-mantles, and with great
quantities of furs.

Before I quit the Padoucas, I shall give a summary of their manners;
it may not, perhaps, be disagreeable to know in what respects they
differ from other Indian nations.[Footnote: The Author should likewise
have informed us of the fate of those intended settlements of the
French, which Dumont tells us were destroyed, and all the French
murdered by the Indians, particularly among the Missouris; which is
confirmed below in book 11. ch. 7.]

The Padoucas, who live at a distance from the Spaniards, cultivate no
grain, and live only on hunting. But they are not to be considered as
a wandering nation, tho' employed in hunting winter and summer; seeing
they have large villages, consisting of a great number of cabins,
which contain very numerous families: these are their permanent
abodes; from which a {67} hundred hunters set out at a time with their
horses, their bows, and a good stock of arrows. They go thus two or
three days journey from home, where they find herds of buffaloes, the
least of which consists of a hundred head. They load their horses with
their baggage, tents and children, conducted by a man on horseback: by
this means the men, women, and young people travel unencumbered and
light, without being fatigued by the journey. When come to the
hunting-spot, they encamp near a brook, where there is always wood;
the horses they tie by one of their fore-feet with a string to a stake
or bush.

Next morning they each of them mount a horse, and proceed to the first
herd, with the wind at their back, to the end the buffaloes may scent
them, and take to flight, which they never fail to do, because they
have a very quick scent. Then the hunters pursue them close at an easy
gallop, and in a crescent, or half ring, till they hang out the tongue
through fatigue, and can do no more than just walk: the hunters then
dismount, point a dart at the extremity of the shoulder, and kill each
of them one cow, sometimes more: for, as I said above, they never kill
the males. Then they flay them, take out the entrails, and cut the
carcasse in two; the head, feet, and entrails they leave to the wolves
and other carnivorous animals: the skin they lay on the horse, and on
that the flesh, which they carry home. Two days after they go out
again; and then they bring home the meat stript from the bones; the
women and young people dress it in the Indian fashion; while the men
return for some days longer to hunt in the same manner. They carry
home their dry provisions, and let their horses rest for three or four
days: at the end of which, those who remained in the village, set out
with the others to hunt in the like manner; which has made ignorant
travellers affirm this people was a wandering nation.

If they sow little or no maiz, they as little plant any citruis, never
any tobacco; which last the Spaniards bring them in rolls, along with
the horses they truck with them for buffalo-mantles.

The nation of the Padoucas is very numerous, extends almost two
hundred leagues, and they have villages quite close {68} to the
Spaniards of New Mexico. They are acquainted with silver, and made the
French understand they worked at the mines. The inhabitants of the
villages at a distance from the Spaniards, have knives made of
fire-stone, (_pierre de feu_,) of which they also make hatchets; the
largest to fell middling and little trees with; the less, to flay and
cut up the beasts they kill.

These people are far from being savage, nor would it be a difficult
matter to civilize them; a plain proof they have had long intercourse
with the Spaniards. The few days the French stayed among them, they
were become very familiar, and would fain have M. de Bourgmont leave
some Frenchmen among them; especially they of the village at which the
peace was concluded with the other nations. This village consisted of
an hundred and forty huts, containing about eight hundred warriors,
fifteen hundred women, and at least two thousand children, some
Padoucas having four wives. When they are in want of horses, they
train up great dogs to carry their baggage.

The men for the most part wear breeches and stockings all of a piece,
made of dressed skins, in the manner of the Spaniards: the women also
wear petticoats and bodices all of a piece, adorning their waists with
fringes of dressed skins.

They are almost without any European goods among them, and have but a
faint knowledge of them. They knew nothing of fire-arms before the
arrival of M. de Bourgmont; were much frighted at them; and on hearing
the report, quaked and bowed their heads.

They generally go to war on horseback, and cover their horses with
dressed leather, hanging down quite round, which secures them from
darts. All we have hitherto remarked is peculiar to this people,
besides the other usages they have in common with the nations of
Louisiana.

On the 22nd of October, M. de Bourginont set out from the Padoucas,
and travelled only five leagues that day: the 23d, and the three
following days, he travelled in all forty leagues: the 27th, six
leagues: the 28th, eight leagues: the 29th, six leagues; and the 30th,
as many: the 31st, he travelled only four leagues, and that day
arrived within half a league of the Canzas. From the Padoucas to the
Canzas, proceeding always {69} east, we may now very safely reckon
sixty-five leagues and a half. The river of the Canzas is parallel to
this route.

On the 1st of November they all arrived on the banks of the Missouri.
M. de Bourgmont embarked the 2d on a canoe of skins; and at length, on
the 5th of November, arrived at Fort Orleans.

I shall here subjoin the description of one of these canoes. They
choose for the purpose branches of a white and supple wood, such as
poplar; which are to form the ribs or curves, and are fastened on the
outside with three poles, one at bottom and two on the sides, to form
the keel; to these curves two other stouter poles are afterwards made
fast, to form the gunnels; then they tighten these sides with cords,
the length of which is in proportion to the intended breadth of the
canoe: after which they tie fast the ends. When all the timbers are
thus disposed, they sew on the skins, which they take care previously
to soak a considerable time to render them manageable.

From the account of this journey, extracted and abridged from M. de
Bourgmont's Journal, we cannot fail to observe the care and attention
necessary to be employed in such enterprizes; the prudence and policy
requisite to manage the natives, and to behave with them in an affable
manner.

If we view these nations with an eye to commerce, what advantages
might not be derived from them, as to furs? A commerce not only very
lucrative, but capable of being carried on without any risque;
especially if we would follow the plan I am to lay down under the
article Commerce.

The relation of this journey shews, moreover, that Louisiana maintains
its good qualities throughout; and that the natives of North America
derive their origin from the same country, since at bottom they all
have the same manners and usages, as also the same manner of speaking
and thinking.

I, however, except the Natchez, and the people they call their
brethren, who have preserved festivals and ceremonies, which clearly
shew they have a far nobler origin. Besides, the richness of their
language distinguishes them from all those other people that come from
Tartary; whose language, on the {70} contrary, is very barren: but if
they resemble the others in certain customs, they were constrained
thereto from the ties of a common society with them, as in their wars,
embassies, and in every thing that regards the common interests of
these nations.

Before I put an end to this chapter, I shall relate an extraordinary
phænomenon which appeared in Louisiana.

Towards the end of May 1726, the sun was then concealed for a whole
day by large clouds, but very distinct one from another; they left but
little void space between, to permit the view of the azure sky, and
but in very few places: the whole day was very calm; in the evening
especially these clouds were entirely joined; no sky was to be seen;
but all the different configurations of the clouds were
distinguishable: I observed they stood very high above the earth.

The weather being so disposed, the sun was preparing to set. I saw him
in the instant he touched the horizon, because there was a little
clear space between that and the clouds. A little after, these clouds
turned luminous, or reflected the light: the contour or outlines of
most of them seemed to be bordered with gold, others but with a faint
tincture thereof. It would be a very difficult matter to describe all
the beauties which these different colourings presented to the view:
but the whole together formed the finest prospect I ever beheld of the
kind.

I had my face turned to the east; and in the little time the sun
formed this decoration, he proceeded to hide himself more and more;
when sufficiently low, so that the shadow of the earth could appear on
the convexity of the clouds, there was observed as if a veil,
stretched north to south, had concealed or removed the light from off
that part of the clouds which extended eastwards, and made them dark,
without hindering their being perfectly well distinguished; so that
all on the same line were partly luminous, partly dark.

This very year I had a strong inclination to quit the post at the
Natchez, where I had continued for eight years. I had taken that
resolution, notwithstanding my attachment to that {71} settlement. I
sold off my effects and went down to New Orleans, which I found
greatly altered by being entirely built. I intended to return to
Europe; but M. Perier, the Governor, pressed me so much, that I
accepted the inspection of the plantation of the Company; which, in a
little time after, became the King's.




CHAPTER XI.

_The War with the_ Chitimachas. _The Conspiracy of the Negroes against
the_ French. _Their Execution._


Before my arrival in Louisiana, we happened to be at war with the
nation of the Chitimachas; owing to one of that people, who being gone
to dwell in a bye-place on the banks of the Missisippi, had
assassinated M. de St. Come, a Missionary of that colony; who, in
going down the river, imagined he might in safety retire into this
man's hut for a night. M. de Biainville charged the whole nation with
this assassination; and in order to save his own people, caused them
to be attacked by several nations in alliance with the French.

Prowess is none of the greatest qualities of the Indians, much less of
the Chitimachas. They were therefore worsted, and the loss of their
bravest warriors constrained them to sue for peace. This the Governor
granted, on condition that they brought him the head of the assassin;
which they accordingly did, and concluded a peace by the ceremony of
the Calumet, hereafter described.

At the time the succours were expected from France, in order to
destroy the Natchez, the negroes formed a design to rid themselves of
all the French at once, and to settle in their room, by making
themselves masters of the capital, and of all the property of the
French. It was discovered in the following manner.

A female negroe receiving a violent blow from a French soldier for
refusing to obey him, said in her passion, that the French should not
long insult negroes. Some Frenchmen overhearing these threats, brought
her before the Governor, {72} who sent her to prison. The Judge
Criminal not being able to draw any thing out of her, I told the
Governor, who seemed to pay no great regard to her threats, that I was
of opinion, that a man in liquor, and a woman in passion, generally
speak truth. It is therefore highly probable, said I that there is
some truth in what she said: and if so, there must be some conspiracy
ready to break out, which cannot be formed without many negroes of the
King's plantation being accomplices therein: and if there are any, I
take upon me, said I, to find them out, and arrest them, if necessary,
without any disorder or tumult.

The Governor and the whole Court approved of my reasons: I went that
very evening to the camp of the negroes, and from hut to hut, till I
saw a light. In this hut I heard them talking together of their
scheme. One of them was my first commander and my confidant, which
surprised me greatly; his name was Samba.

I speedily retired for fear of being discovered; and in two days
after, eight negroes, who were at the head of the conspiracy, were
separately arrested, unknown to each other, and clapt in irons without
the least tumult.

The day after, they were put to the torture of burning matches, which,
though several times repeated, could not bring them to make any
confession. In the mean time I learnt that Samba had in his own
country been at the head of the revolt by which the French lost Fort
Arguin; and when it was recovered again by M. Perier de Salvert, one
of the principal articles of the peace was, that this negro should be
condemned to slavery in America: that Samba, on his passage, had laid
a scheme to murder the crew, in order to become master of the ship;
but that being discovered, he was put in irons, in which he continued
till he landed in Louisiana.

I drew up a memorial of all this; which was read before Samba by the
Judge Criminal; who, threatening him again with torture, told him, he
had ever been a seditious fellow: upon which Samba directly owned all
the circumstances of the conspiracy; and the rest being confronted
with him, confessed {73} also: after which, the eight negroes were
condemned to be broke alive on the wheel, and the woman to be hanged
before their eyes; which was accordingly done, and prevented the
conspiracy from taking effect.




CHAPTER XII.

_The War of the Natchez. Massacre of the_ French _in 1729. Extirpation
of the_ Natchez _in 1730._


In the beginning of the month of December 1729, we heard at New
Orleans, with the most affecting grief, of the massacre of the French
at the post of the Natchez, occasioned by the imprudent conduct of the
Commandant. I shall trace that whole affair from its rise.

The Sieur de Chopart had been Commandant of the post of the Natchez,
from which he was removed on account of some acts of injustice. M.
Perier, Commandant General, but lately arrived, suffered himself to be
prepossessed in his favour, on his telling him, that he had commanded
that post with applause: and thus he obtained the command from M.
Perier, who was unacquainted with his character.

This new Commandant, on taking possession of his post, projected the
forming one of the most eminent settlements of the whole colony. For
this purpose he examined all the grounds unoccupied by the French, but
could not find any thing that came up to the grandeur of his views.
Nothing but the village of the White Apple, a square league at least
in extent, could give him satisfaction; where he immediately resolved
to settle. This ground was distant from the fort about two leagues.
Conceited with the beauty of his project, the Commandant sent for the
Sun of that village to come to the fort.

The Commandant, upon his arrival at the fort, told him, without
further ceremony, that he must look out for another ground to build
his village on, as he himself resolved, as soon as possible, to build
on the village of the Apple; that he must directly clear the huts, and
retire somewhere else. The better to cover his design, he gave out,
that it was necessary for the {74} French to settle on the banks of
the rivulet, where stood the Great Village, and the abode of the Grand
Sun. The Commandant, doubtless, supposed that he was speaking to a
slave, whom we may command in a tone of absolute authority. But he
knew not that the natives of Louisiana are such enemies to a state of
slavery, that they prefer death itself thereto; above all, the Suns,
accustomed to govern despotically, have still a greater aversion to
it.

The Sun of the Apple thought, that if he was talked to in a reasonable
manner, he might listen to him: in this he had been right, had he to
deal with a reasonable person. He therefore made answer, that his
ancestors had lived in that village for as many years as there were
hairs in his double cue; and therefore it was good they should
continue there still.

Scarce had the interpreter explained this answer to the Commandant,
but he fell into a passion, and threatened the Sun, if he did not quit
his village in a few days, he might repent it. The Sun replied, when
the French came to ask us for lands to settle on, they told us there
was land enough still unoccupied, which they might take; the same sun
would enlighten them all, and all would walk in the same path. He
wanted to proceed, farther in justification of what he alleged; but
the Commandant, who was in a passion, told him, he was resolved to be
obeyed, without any further reply. The Sun, without discovering any
emotion or passion, withdrew; only saying, he was going to assemble
the old men of his village, to hold a council on this affair.

He actually assembled them: and in this council it was resolved to
represent to the Commandant, that the corn of all the people of their
village was already shot a little out of the earth, and that all the
hens were laying their eggs; that if they quitted their village at
present, the chickens and corn would be lost both to the French and to
themselves; as the French were not numerous enough to weed all the
corn they had sown in their fields.

This resolution taken, they sent to propose it to the Commandant, who
rejected it with a menace to chastise them if they did not obey in a
very short time, which he prefixed. {75} The Sun reported this answer
to his council, who debated the question, which was knotty. But the
policy of the old men was, that they should propose to the Commandant,
to be allowed to stay in their village till harvest, and till they had
time to dry their corn, and shake out the grain; on condition each hut
of the village should pay him in so many moons (months,) which they
agreed on, a basket of corn and a fowl; that this Commandant appeared
to be a man highly self-interested; and that this proposition would be
a means of gaining time, till they should take proper measures to
withdraw themselves from the tyrrany of the French.

The Sun returned to the Commandant, and proposed to pay him the
tribute I just mentioned, if he waited till the first colds, (winter;)
and then the corn would be gathered in, and dry enough to shake out
the grain; that thus they would not be exposed to lose their corn, and
die of hunger: that the Commandant himself would find his account in
it; and that as soon as any corn was shaken out, they should bring him
some.

The avidity of the Commandant made him accept the proposition with
joy, and blinded him with regard to the consequences of his tyrrany.
He, however, pretended that he agreed to the offer out of favour, to
do a pleasure to a nation so beloved, and who had ever been good
friends of the French. The Sun appeared highly satisfied to have
obtained a delay sufficient for taking the precautions necessary to
the security of the nation; for he was by no means the dupe of the
feigned benevolence of the Commandant.

The Sun, upon his return, caused the council to be assembled; told the
old men, that the French Commandant had acquiesced in the offers which
he had made him, and granted the term of time they demanded. He then
laid before them, that it was necessary wisely to avail themselves of
this time, in order to withdraw themselves from the proposed payment
and tyrannic domination of the French, who grew dangerous in
proportion as they multiplied. That the Natchez ought to remember the
war made upon them, in violation of the peace concluded between them:
that this war having been made upon their village alone, they ought to
consider of the surest means {76} to take a just and bloody vengeance:
that this enterprise being of the utmost consequence, it called for
much secrecy, for solid measures, and for much policy: that thus it
was proper to cajole the French Chief more than ever: that this affair
required some days to reflect on, before they came to a resolution
therein, and before it should be proposed to the Grand Sun and his
council: that at present they had only to retire; and in a few days he
would assemble them again, that they might then determine the part
they were to act.

In five or six days he brought together the old men, who in that
interval were consulting with each other: which was the reason that
all the suffrages were unanimous in the same and only means of
obtaining the end they proposed to themselves, which was the entire
destruction of the French in this province.

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