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The Grand Old Man

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To advertise beforehand in the ears of the Great Assassin that Great
Britain's action would cut down--what the most backward of the six
Powers think to be sufficient--would be the; abandonment of duty and
prudence and would be to doom the national movement to disappointment.
The concert of Europe was valuable and important, but such an
announcement would be certain to be followed by its failure.

One of the immediate effects of Mr. Gladstone's denunciation of the
Sultan for the Armenian massacres was the resignation by Lord Rosebery
of the leadership of the Liberal Party. Mr. Gladstone's return to
politics, the agitation of the Turkish question and the differences
between these two leaders of the Liberal movement as to the best way of
dealing with the Sultan, were assigned as reasons by Lord Rosebery for
his resignation.

It was then again suggested that Mr. Gladstone assume the leadership of
the Liberal Party and accept a peerage and a seat in the House of Lords,
so often tendered him by the Queen. Then Sir William Vernon-Harcourt
could lead in the House of Commons and bear the burden, while Mr.
Gladstone could be at the head of affairs without the worry of the House
of Commons. Besides, Mr. Morgan offered to resign his seat in the House
of Commons in his favor. But Mr. Gladstone would not agree to any of
these plans as far as they pertained to himself.

July 22, 1896, Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone returned to London to attend a
great social function, the marriage of one of the daughters of the
Prince and Princess of Wales to Prince Charles of Denmark. Mr. Gladstone
evinced much interest in everything connected with the important event,
and was himself the object of much attention.

September 23, 1896, Mr. Gladstone wrote a long letter to the Paris
Figaro in response to an appeal from its editor, M. Leudet, to Mr.
Gladstone to arouse the French press in behalf of the Armenians. After
expressing his diffidence in complying with the request, Mr. Gladstone
declared his belief that the population of Great Britain were more
united in sentiment and more thoroughly aroused by the present outrages
in Turkey than they were by the atrocities in Bulgaria in 1876.

He said: "The question whether effect can be given to the national
indignation is now in the balance, and will probably soon be decided. I
have read in some Austrian newspapers an affected scruple against sole
action by any one State in a European crisis, but there are two
first-class Powers who will not make that scruple their own. One of
these is Russia, who in 1878, earned lasting honors by liberating
Bulgaria and, helping onward the freedom and security of other Balkan
States. The other Power is France, who, in 1840, took up the cause of
Egypt and pushed it single handed to the verge of a European war. She
wisely forbore to bring about that horrible, transcendent calamity, but
I gravely doubt whether she was not right and the combined Powers wrong
in their policy of that period."

Mr. Gladstone denounced the Sultan as the "Great Assassin," and
continued: "For more than a year he has triumphed over the diplomacy of
the six Powers, they have been laid prostrate at his feet. There is no
parallel in history to the humiliation they have patiently borne. He has
therefore had every encouragement to continue a course that has been
crowned with such success. The impending question seems to be, not
whether, but when and where he will proceed to his next murderous
exploits. The question for Europe and each Power is whether he shall be
permitted to swell by more myriads the tremendous total of his victims.

"In other years when I possessed power I did my best to promote the
concert of Europe, but I sorrowfully admit that all the good done in
Turkey during the last twenty years was done, not by it, but more nearly
despite it." The letter concludes by expressing the hope that the French
people would pursue a policy worthy of their greatness, their fame and
the high place they have held in European Christian history.

September 24, 1896, a meeting was called by the Reform Club, of
Liverpool, to protest against the recent massacres of 2000 Armenians at
Constantinople at the affair of the Ottoman Bank, and many more
throughout the Turkish Empire. Mr. Gladstone was asked to address the
meeting. When requested by the agent of the Associated Press for an
advanced proof of his speech he declined, but wrote that he would
"recommend giving the warmest support to the Queen's government, and
would contend that England should act alone if necessary for the
fulfillment of the covenants which have been so disgracefully broken."

Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone, with their son Herbert, arrived at noon at
Liverpool, and were met at the railroad station by 2,000 enthusiastic
people. The meeting was held in the vast auditorium of the Circus
Building, which was filled. Thousands failed to obtain entrance.

Before the arrival of Mr. Gladstone there was a spontaneous outburst of
applause, everybody present standing and singing "God save the Queen."
When Mr. Gladstone entered, the prolonged roar of applause could be
heard for miles, arising from thousands inside and outside the hall.

The Earl of Derby, Conservative, presided. He was accompanied by the
Countess of Derby, who with many distinguished persons occupied
the platform.

Mr. Gladstone stepped briskly to the front of the platform at 12.30 p.m.
bowing repeatedly in response to the applause. He looked strong and
well for a man of his age and labors, and was easily heard. After a few
preliminary remarks, he moved the following resolution:

"That this meeting trusts that Her Majesty's ministers, realizing to the
fullest extent the terrible condition in which their fellow Christians
are placed, will do everything possible to obtain for them full security
and protection; and this meeting assures Her Majesty's ministers that
they may rely upon the cordial support of the citizens of Liverpool in
whatever steps they may feel it necessary to take for that purpose."

The resolution was received with great cheering.

Mr. Gladstone resumed: "We have a just title to threaten Turkey with
coercion, but that does not in itself mean war; and I think that the
first step should be the recall of our Ambassador, and it should be
followed by the dismissal of the Turkish Ambassador from London. Such a
course is frequent and would not give the right of complaint to anybody.
When diplomatic relations are suspended, England should inform the
Sultan that she should consider the means of enforcing her just and
humane demands. I do not believe that Europe will make war to insure the
continuance of massacres more terrible than ever recorded in the dismal,
deplorable history of crime.

"Now, as in 1876, to the guilt of massacre is added the impudence of
denial, which will continue just as long as Europe is content to listen.
I doubt if it is an exaggeration to say that it was in the Sultan's
palace, and there only, that the inspiration has been supplied, and the
policy devised of the whole series of massacres. When the Sultan carries
massacre into his own capital under the eyes of the Ambassadors, he
appears to have gained the very acme of what it is possible for him to
do. But the weakness of diplomacy, I trust, is about to be strengthened
by the echo of this nation's voice."

Mr. Gladstone then referred to the supineness of the Ambassadors of the
Powers at Constantinople, and continued: "The concert of Europe is an
august and useful instrument, but it has not usually succeeded in
dealing with the Eastern question, which has arrived at a period when it
is necessary to strengthen the hands of the Government by an expression
of national opinion. I believe that the continued presence of the
Ambassadors at Constantinople has operated as a distinct countenance to
the Sultan, who is thus their recognized ally.

"But, while urging the Government to act, it does not follow that, even
for the sake of the great object in view, Great Britain should
transplant Europe into a state of war. On the other hand, however, I
deny that England must abandon her own right to independent judgment
and allow herself to be domineered over by the other powers."

Mr. Gladstone expressed the opinion that the purpose of the meeting was
defensive and prospective, saying that no one can hold out the hope that
the massacres are ended, although he ventured to anticipate that the
words spoken at the meeting would find their way to the palace at
Constantinople. "The present movement," he said, "is based on broad
grounds of humanity, and is not directed against the Mohammedans, but
against the Turkish officials, evidence of whose barbarities rests in
credible official reports." Mr. Gladstone declared his adhesion to the
principles contained in the resolution, and said he came to the meeting
not claiming any authority for sentiments expressed except that of a
citizen of Liverpool.

"But," he remarked, "the national platform upon which the meeting is
based gives greater authority for sentiments universally entertained
throughout the length and breadth of the land, and I urge that in this
matter party sympathy be renounced. I entertain the lively hope and
strong belief that the present deplorable situation is not due to the
act or default of the Government of this great country."

Mr. Gladstone spoke about twenty minutes and was repeatedly interrupted
by applause. He was in good voice, and did not seem fatigued when he
had finished.

The next day the Turkish Embassy at London telegraphed Mr. Gladstone's
speech at Liverpool verbatim to the Sultan.

The London Times in an editorial said: "The spectacle of the veteran
statesman quitting his retirement to plead the cause of the oppressed is
well calculated to move the sympathy and admiration of the nation. The
ardor of Mr. Gladstone's feelings on this subject is notorious. All the
more striking and significant is the comparative restraint and
moderation of the speech."

Other questions besides those mentioned were claiming the attention of
English statesmen. In the Spring, prior to the great Liverpool meeting,
the Venezuela boundary question was agitating the two great English
speaking nations to the very verge of war. A large Peace Meeting was
held in London, March 3, 1896, to favor arbitration. Mr. Gladstone
wrote: "I am glad that the discussion of arbitration is to be separated
from the Venezuela question, upon which I do not feel myself in final
and full possession of the facts that I should wish. My views on
arbitration in place of war were gathered from the part I took in the
matter of the Alabama claims. I will only add that my conviction and
sentiment on the subject grow in strength from year to year in
proportion to the growth of that monstrous and barbarous militarism, in
regard to which I consider England has to bear no small responsibility."

The meeting favored permanent international arbitration, and an
Anglo-American treaty was finally signed by the representatives of the
two nations, providing for the settlement of all questions between the
two nations by arbitration instead of by war, but the Senate of the
United States refused to ratify the treaty.

Mr. Gladstone deplored intensely the extraordinary misunderstanding
which had prevailed on the subject of the Venezuela frontier. He seemed
to think that nothing but a little common sense was needed to secure the
pacific settlement of the question at any moment. A hundred square miles
more or less on either side of the boundary of British Guiana was to him
a matter of supreme indifference. He was extremely anxious to see
justice done, and one of his last speeches in the House of Commons was
in favor of permanent arbitration between England and the United States.

Another one of the absorbing questions that came before the civilized
world for consideration, and almost to the exclusion of the Armenian
question, was the Cretan Question. Greece heroically sustained the
insurrection of the Cretans against the Turkish rule. The scene of
Turkish cruelty was now transferred to the isle of Crete. For the time
the Armenian massacres were forgotten. The Greeks rushed to the rescue,
while all Europe held aloof. Mr. Gladstone sent the following dispatch
to the Chronicle: "I do not dare to stimulate Greece when I cannot help
her, but I shall profoundly rejoice at her success. I hope the Powers
will recollect that they have their own character to redeem." This was
in February, 1897, Later he wrote that to expel the Greek troops from
Crete and keep as police the butchers of Armenia, would further deepen
the disgrace of the Powers of Europe.

In March, 1897, Mr. Gladstone addressed a letter, now justly celebrated,
on the same subject to the Duke of Westminster in which he expressed his
opinion more fully, and which was evidently the sentiment of the English
speaking people of the world. The letter was in the form of a pamphlet
of 16 pages, published, and entitled The Eastern Crisis.

In less than a week after this eloquent manifesto in behalf of the
Cretans and of Greece was put forth, it was currently reported that the
precise solution of the problem recommended by Mr. Gladstone was likely
to be adopted. The Sultan himself, fearful of the effect of the appeal
on public opinion in Europe, sought the settlement of the question in
the manner suggested. The Greeks still clamored for war. In the war
that followed between Greece and Turkey, Greece was defeated and crushed
by the Turk. Only by the intervention of the Powers was Greece saved
from becoming a part of the Sultan's Empire.

After peace had been concluded between Turkey and Greece, Mr. Gladstone
undertook to arouse public opinion by a trenchant review of the
situation. Looking back over the past two years of England's Eastern
policy, he inquires as to what have been the results, and then answers
his own question. He thus enumerates:

1. The slaughter of 100,000 Armenian Christians, men, women and
children, with no guarantee against a repetition of the crime.

2. The Turkish Umpire stronger than at any time since the Crimean war.

3. Christian Greece weaker than at any time since she became a kingdom.

These are facts, Mr. Gladstone claimed, for which the leading Christian
nations and statesmen of Europe are responsible.

While Mr. Gladstone thus expresses himself, yet his vigorous protests
had not been without effect. His voice penetrated into the very palace
of the Sultan, and into every Cabinet of Europe, and was heard by every
statesman and ruler throughout the world, and aroused the people
everywhere. It was a mighty voice lifted for right and against
oppression. The Sultan was afraid and was compelled to desist; not that
he feared the protests and the warnings of the Christian Nations of
Europe, but because that one voice was the expression of the popular
feeling of all Christians throughout the world, and to defy such
sentiment would be to court the overthrow of his throne, if not of the
dominion of the Turk in Europe.

In June, 1894, an invitation was extended to Mr. Gladstone to visit the
United States, signed by many representative men in public life. But Mr.
Gladstone, while acknowledging the compliment, declined because of his
age. It would, he thought, be a tremendous undertaking for him. The
fatigue of the voyage and the strain of the receptions while in America,
would prove greater than his physical condition could bear.

Later Mr. Gladstone was waited on at Hawarden by one hundred members of
the Philadelphia Manufacturer's Club. He personally escorted them over
the Castle grounds and narrated the history of the Castle to them.
Greatly pleased with the warmth of their reception, they thanked Mr.
Gladstone for his courtesy. They then gave him three cheers. This token
of appreciation was very gratifying to Mr. Gladstone, who said that it
was the first time he had ever heard American cheers.

Saturday afternoon, August 15, 1896, Li Hung Chang, the great Chinese
Statesman and Embassador, visited Mr. Gladstone at Hawarden. Probably
the three greatest living statesmen of the time were Gladstone, Bismarck
and Li Hung Chang. The Embassador and his suite went to Chester in a
special train, and were driven in three open carriages to Hawarden.
Along the route as, well as at the station, the party was cheered by a
large crowd. The Viceroy was sleeping when the train reached Chester and
he was allowed to sleep until he awoke. Yet the party was ahead of time
in reaching the Castle, but Mr. Gladstone hastened to receive them. The
Chinese visitors were received at the door by Mr. Henry Gladstone. Li
Hung Chang was escorted into the Library where he was introduced to Mr.
and Mrs. Gladstone.

The intention of Mr. Gladstone was to have as escort a guard of honor to
the Viceroy, the Hawarden corps of the Welsh Fusiliers, which reached
the Castle, owing to the visitors being ahead of time, ten minutes after
the arrival of the party.

The two aged statesmen sat near the window overlooking the terrace, and
at once, with the aid of Lo Feug Luh, engaged in conversation, Li asked
various questions concerning Mr. Gladstone's career, and was informed by
Mr. Gladstone that he had been Prime Minister nearly thirteen years,
and in the Cabinet nearly twenty-four years. When complimented upon the
service he had rendered to his country, Mr. Gladstone replied that he
had done what he could, but he should have done a great deal more. Li
observed that British interests and British trade in China were greater
than those of all other countries put together. The Viceroy also talked
with Mr. Gladstone of free trade, of restrictions upon commerce, of the
power of the British Navy, of the greatness of the British Revenues, of
the vastness of the Colonial Empire, of the necessity of a railway
system to commerce and upon a number of similar subjects. Refreshments
were served which Li enjoyed, and then by request he wrote his autograph
in three books, using Dorothy Drew's colors for the purpose. Mr.
Gladstone and Li were photographed together sitting on chairs outside
the porch. Mr. Gladstone presented Li with three books from his library,
and then the Chinese visitors departed.

On Saturday evening October 10, 1896, the Right Hon. and Most Rev.
Edward White Benson, D.D., Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all
England, arrived at Hawarden with Mrs. Benson on a visit to his old
friend Mr. Gladstone. Sunday morning Dr. Benson went with the Gladstone
family to Hawarden Church and occupied the Gladstone pew. After the
service had commenced a commotion was observed. It was caused by the
fall of Dr. Benson In the pew while kneeling in prayer. Attendants
removed Dr. Benson to the Rectory, and medical aid was summoned, but
death came soon after from apoplexy. The Rev. Stephen Gladstone, rector,
proceeded with the service until notified of the death of the
Archbishop, when he dismissed the congregation. Mr. Gladstone, who had
not attended church from indisposition, was deeply affected by the death
of his guest and friend.

The morning papers of London, June 1, 1896, printed a long letter from
Mr. Gladstone to Cardinal Rampolla for submission to the Pope Leo XIII,
in favor of the unity of Christendom by means of a papal declaration in
favor of the validity of Anglican orders. It created a great sensation.
Shortly after this the Pope issued an Encyclical letter addressed to
"all bishops in communion with the Holy See." The theme was the same as
that of Mr. Gladstone's letter, to which it was regarded as an answer.
The Pope invited all the English people "to return to the religion of
the Roman Catholic Church." "This," remarks Mr. Justin McCarthy, "was
exactly what any thoughtful person might have expected." While this
letter and its answer did not satisfy the clergy of the established
Church of England, who were favorably disposed towards Rome, on the
other hand it aroused the dissenting Christians of England to reply
that they were opposed to all state or established churches, whether
Roman Catholic or English Episcopal.

On December 29, 1896, the eighty-seventh anniversary of Mr. Gladstone's
birth was celebrated at Hawarden, surrounded by his family and friends.
There were the usual demonstrations by the villagers, consisting in the
ringing of bells and the appointments of deputations to wait upon the
aged statesman at the Castle with congratulations. An enormous flow of
telegrams and messages continued throughout the day from all parts of
the kingdom, the United States and the Continent. Among those sending
congratulations were the Prince and Princess of Wales, and Baroness de
Rothschild. Mr. Gladstone was in good health, and in the afternoon went
out for a walk.

May 10, 1897, the Prince and Princess of Wales, accompanied by the
Princess Victoria, visited Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone at Hawarden. They were
received by Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone in the porch erected in 1889 to
commemorate their golden wedding. The mutual greetings were of the
heartiest nature. The royal party inspected the ruins of the old castle,
Mr. Gladstone acting as escort to the Princess of Wales. An interesting
incident occurred on the lawn. The Princess took great interest in
inspecting the favorite dogs of the Gladstone family. These were the
black Pomeranians. Two puppies were carried in a basket, one of which
the Princess accepted as a gift.

June 22, 1897, was celebrated with great pomp and rejoicing the Diamond
Jubilee of Victoria, the Queen of England and Empress of India, when the
Queen reached the 60th anniversary of her reign, which is the longest in
English history. Victoria became queen at the age of 19 years, in 1837,
and then the British Isles possessed a population of 26,000,000 and they
had became 40,000,000. Her Empire has been extended until in India,
South, Central and Western Africa, Australia, New Zealand and North
America, and including the British Isles, there were 360,000,000 people
who owned her sway. And to this greatness and glory Mr. Gladstone had
been one to contribute largely, while his influence has been felt more
still by far in promoting the moral greatness of the people. Throughout
all the Empire the event was celebrated, and the jubilee procession in
London was swollen by representatives of all parts of the Queen's domain
and all nations on earth which rendered it the greatest pageant ever
beheld. Even the Turk was there, but Mr. Gladstone was not there, nor
was his name even mentioned for a place in the march on jubilee day. Yet
the period of Victoria's reign will often be spoken of in history as the
Gladstonian Era.

"The public life of a leading statesman," says an eminent writer,
"offers the boldest and stateliest outline to the public view. It may be
that the most striking and memorable chapters in a future biography of
Mr. Gladstone will contain the story of his private affairs and domestic
life." His daily life at home was a model of simplicity and regularity,
and the great secret of the vast amount of work he accomplished was
owing to the fact that every odd five minutes were occupied. He had a
deep sense of the preciousness of time and the responsibility which
everyone incurs who uses or misuses it. "To such a length did he carry
this that at a picnic to a favorite Welsh mountain he has been seen to
fling himself on the heather and bury himself in some pamphlet upon a
question of the day, until called to lighter things by those who were
responsible for the provision basket."

Mr. Gladstone was ever a most severe economist of time, a habit acquired
as long ago as 1839, when he awed his young wife by filling up all odd
bits and scraps of time with study or work. Out of his pocket would come
the little classic at every chance opportunity of leisure. This accounts
for his ability to get through in one day more than most people do in a
week. Then besides, he had the faculty of concentrating the whole power
of his mind upon the one thing before him, whether small or great. He
was unable to divide the machinery of his mind. Interruption was almost
fatal to his train of thought, but he was generally oblivious to
conversation buzzing around him. Hence it was some time before a
questioner could get an answer--he did not seem to hear, but patience
finally secured attention, after the train of absorbing thought
was finished.

It was this power of concentrating all his faculties upon what he was
doing, whether it was work or play, that made Mr. Gladstone one of the
ablest as well as happiest of the century. He took the keenest delight
in the scholarly and beautiful, and this accounts for his disregard of
minor ills and evils. He was too absorbed to be fretful or impatient.
But to be absorbed in great things did not mean, in his case, to be
neglectful of little things. At one time his mind and time were so
completely taken up with the Eastern question, that he could not be
induced to spare a thought for Ireland, and afterward it was quite as
difficult to get him to think of any political question except that
of Ireland.

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