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The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,

R >> Richard Hakluyt >> The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,




The 12. of September we hailed to shoareward againe, hauing then
indifferent wind and weather: then beeing neere vnto the shoare, and the
tide almost spent, we came to an anker in 30 fadoms water.

The 13. day we came along the coast, which lay Northwest and by West, and
Southeast and by East.

The 14. day we came to an anker within two leagues of the shoare, hauing
60. fadoms.

There we went a shore with our boat, and found two or three good
harboroughs, the land being rocky, and high, but as for people could we see
none. The 15 day we ran still along the coast vntill the 17 day: then the
winde being contrary vnto vs, we thought it best to returne vnto the harbor
which we had found before, and so we bare roomer with the same, howbeit we
could not accomplish our desire that day. The next day being the 18 of
September, we entred into the Hauen, and there came to an anker at 6
fadoms. This hauen runneth into the maine, about two leagues, and is in
bredth halfe a league, wherein were very many seale fishes, and other great
fishes, and vpon the maine we saw beares, great deere, foxes, with diuers
strange beasts, as guloines, [Marginal note: Or, Ellons.] and such other
which were to vs vnknowen, and also wonderfull. Thus remaining in this
hauen the space of a weeke, seeing the yeare farre spent, and also very
euill wether, as frost, snow, and haile, as though it had beene the deepe
of winter, we thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men
Southsouthwest, to search if they could find people who went three dayes
iourney, but could figd none: after that, we sent other three Westward
foure daies iourney, which also returned without finding any people. Then
sent we three men Southeast three dayes three dayes iourney, who in like
sorte returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation.

_Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note, which was written with his owne
hand._


These two notes following were written vpon the outside of this Pamphlet,
or Booke.

1. The proceedings of Sir Hugh Willoughby after he was separated from the
Edward Bonauenture.

2. Our shippe being at an anker in the harbour called Sterfier in the
Island Lofoote. [Footnote: The object of Willoughby's voyage was to
discover a new route to Asia, inaccessible to the armadas of Spain and
Portugal, a feat only performed in 1878-9 by Professor Nordenskiöld. It was
the first maritime expedition on a large scale sent out by England. The
above narrative, written by Willoughby himself, is all we know of that
unfortunate navigator's proceedings after his separation from the _Edward
Bonaventure_ in August 1553. The following year some Russian fishermen
found, at the ship's winter station, the bodies of those who had perished,
probably of scurvy, with the above journal and a will, referred to in the
note on page 40. The two ships, with Willoughby's corpse, were sent to
England in 1555 by George Killingworth.]

The riuer or hauen wherein Sir Hugh Willoughbie with the companie of his
two ships perished for cold, is called Arzina in Lapland, neere vnto Kegor.
[Footnote: "With regard to the position of Arzina, it appears from a
statement in Anthony Jenkinson's first voyage [_see post_] that it took
seven days to go from Vardoehus to Swjatoinos, and that on the sixth he
passed the mouth of the river where Sir Hugh Willoughby wintered. At a
distance from Vardoehus of about six-sevenths of the way Between that town
and Swjatoinos, there debouches into the Arctic Ocean, in 68 deg. 20 min.
N. L. and 38 deg. 30 min. E. L. from Greenwich, a river, which in recent
maps is called the Varzina. It was doubtless at the mouth of this river
that the two vessels of the first North-East Passage Expedition wintered,
with so unfortunate an issue for the officers and men."--NORDENSKIÖLD,
_Voyage of the Vega_, Vol. I., p. 63.] But it appeared by a Will found in
the ship that Sir Hugh Willoughbie and most of the company were aliue in
January 1554. [Footnote: The testator was Gabriel Willoughby, and Sir Hugh
was a witness.]

* * * * *

The booke of the great and mighty Emperor of Russia, and Duke of Muscouia,
and of the dominions orders and commodities thereunto belonging: drawen
by Richard Chancelour.

Forasmuch as it is meete and necessary for all those that minde to take in
hande the trauell into farre or strange countreys, to endeuour themselues
not onely to vngerstande the orders, commodities, and fruitfulnesse
thereof, but also to applie them to the setting foorth of the same, whereby
it may incourage others to the like trauaile: therefore haue I nowe thought
good to make a briefe rehearsall of the orders of this my trauaile in
Russia and Moscouia, and other countreys thereunto adioyning; because it
was my chaunce to fall with the North partes of Russia before I came
towards Moscouia, I will partly declare my knowledge therein. Russia is
very plentifull both of land and people, and also wealthy for such
commodities as they haue. They be very great fishers for Salmons and small
Coddes: they haue much oyle which wee call treine oyle, the most whereof is
made by a riuer called Duina. They make it in other places, but not so much
as there. They haue also a great trade in seething of salte water. To the
North parte of that countrey are the places where they haue their Furres,
as Sables, marterns, greese Beuers, Foxes white, blacke, and redde, Minkes,
Ermines, Miniuer, and Harts. There are also a fishes teeth, which fish is
called a Morsse. The takers thereof dwell in a place called Postesora,
[Footnote: Query, Petschora?] which bring them vpon Hartes to Lampas to
sell, and from Lampas carie them to a place called Colmogro, [Footnote:
Cholmogori, near Archangel.] where the hie market is holden on Saint
Nicholas day. To the West of Colmogra there is a place called Gratanowe, in
our language Nouogorode, where much fine flaxe and Hempe groweth, and also
much, waxe and honie. The Dutch marchants haue a Staplehouse there. There
is also great store of hides, and at a place called Plesco: [Footnote:
Ploska, on the Dwina.] and thereabout is great store of Flaxe, Hempe, Waxe,
Honie; and that towne is from Colmogro 120 miles.

There is a place called Vologda; the commodities whereof are Tallowe, Waxe,
and Flaxe: but not so great plenty as is in Gratanowe. From Vologda to
Colmogro there runneth a riuer called Duyna, and from thence it falleth
into the sea. Colmogro serueth Gratonowe, Vologda and the Mosco with all
the countrey thereabout with salte and saltfish. From Vologda to Ieraslaue
is two hundreth miles: [Footnote: Rather less; about 160 miles.] which
towne is very great. The commodities thereof are hides, and talowe, and
come in great plenty, and some Waxe, but not so plentifull as in other
places.

The Mosco is from Ieraslaue two hundreth miles. The countrey betwixt them
is very well replenished with small Villages, which are so well filled with
people, that it is wonder to see them: the ground is well stored with corne
which they carie to the citie of Mosco in such abundance that it is wonder
to see it. You shall meete in a morning seuen or eight hundred sleds
comming or going thither, that carie corne, and some carie fish. You shall
haue some that carie corne to the Mosco, and some that fetch corne from
thence, that at the least dwell a thousand miles off; and all their cariage
is on sleds. Those which come so farre dwell in the North partes of the
Dukes dominions, where the cold will suffer no corne to grow, it is so
extreme. They bring thither fishes, furres, and beastes skinnes. In those
partes they haue but small store of cattell.

The Mosco it selfe is great: I take the whole towne to bee greater then
London with the suburbes: but it is very rude, and standeth without all
order. Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire. There is a
faire Castle, the walles whereof are of bricke, and very high: they say
they are eighteene foote thicke, but I doe not beleeue it, it doth not so
seeme, notwithstanding I doe not certainely know it: for no stranger may
come to viewe it. The one side is ditched, and on the other side runneth a
riuer called Moscua which runneth into Tartarie and so into the sea called
Mare Caspium: and on the North side there is a base towne, the which hath
also a bricke wall about it, and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall. The
Emperour lieth in the castle, wherein are nine fayre Churches, and therein
are religious men. Also there is a Metropolitane with diuers Bishops. I
will not stande in description of their buildinges nor of the strength
thereof because we haue better in all points in England. They be well
furnished with ordinance of all sortes.

The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew,
nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene. It is very lowe
built in eight square, much like the olde building of England, with small
windowes, and so in other poynts.

Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie; [Footnote: Ivan
Vasilovitsch.] After I had remained twelue daies, the Secretary which hath
the hearing of strangers did send for me, aduertising me that the Dukes
pleasure was to haue me to come before his Ma. with the kings my masters
letters: whereof I was right glad, and so I gaue mine attendance. And when
the Duke was in his place appointed, the interpretour came for me into the
vtter chamber, where sate one hundred or moe gentlemen, all in cloth of
golde very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the Counsaile chamber,
where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles, which were a faire company:
they sate round about the chamber on high, yet so that he himselfe sate
much higher then any of his nobles in a chaire gilt, and in a long garment
of beaten golde, with an emperial crowne vpon his head and a stafle of
Cristall and golde in his right hand, and his other hand halfe leaning on
his chaire. The Chancelour stoode vp with the Secretary before the Duke.
After my dutie done and my letter deliuered, he bade me welcome, and
enquired of me the health of the King my master, and I answered that he was
in good health at my departure from his court, and that my trust was that
he was now in the same. Vpon the which he bade me to dinner. The chancelour
presented my present vnto his Grace bareheaded (for before they were all
couered) and When his Grace had receiued my letter, I was required to
depart: for I had charge not to speake to the Duke, but when he spake to
me. So I departed vnto the Secretaries chamber, where I remayned two
houres, and then I was sent for agayne vnto another palace which is called
the golden palace, but I saw no cause why it should be so called; for I
haue seene many fayrer then it in all poynts: and so I came into the hall,
which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England, and the
table was couered with a tablecloth; and the Marshall sate at the ende of
the table with a little white rod in his hand, which boorde was fall of
vessell of golde: and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire
cupborde of plate. From thence I came into the dining chamber, where the
Duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth of estate, in a gowne of
siluer, with a crowne emperiall vpon his head, he sate in a chaire somewhat
hie: There sate none near him by a great way. There were long tables set
round about the chamber, which were full set with such as the Duke had at
dinner: they were all in white. Also the places where the tables stoode
were higher by two steppes than the rest of the house. In the middest of
the chamber stoode a table or cupbord to set plate on; which stoode full of
cuppes of golde: and amongst all the rest there stoode foure marueilous
great pottes or crudences as they call them, of golde and siluer: I think
they were a good yarde and a halfe hie. By the cupborde stoode two
gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders, and in their handes each of them
had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones, which were the
Dukes owne drinking cups; when he was disposed, he drunke them off at a
draught. And for his seruice at meate it came in without order, yet it was
very rich seruice, for all were serued in gold, not onely he himselfe, but
also all the rest of vs, and it was very massie: the cups also were of
golde and very massie. The number that dined there that day was two hundred
persons, and all were serued in golden vessell. The gentlemen that waited
were all in cloth of gold, and they serued him with their caps on their
heads. Before the seruice came in, the Duke sent to euery man a great
shiuer of bread, and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name
aloude, and sayd, John Basiliuich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of
Moscouia doth reward thee with bread: then must all men stand vp, and doe
at all times when those words are spoken. And then last of all he giueth
the Marshall bread, whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace, and so doth
reuerence and departeth. Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swannes all
in pieces, and euery one in a seuerall dish: the which the Duke sendeth as
he did the bread, and the bearer sayth the same wordes as he sayd before.
As I sayd before, the seruice of his meate is in no order, but commeth in
dish by dish: and then after that the Duke sendeth drinke, with the like
saying as before is tolde. Also before dinner hee changed his crowne, and
in dinner time two crownes; so that I saw three seuerall crownes vpon his
head in one day. And thus when his seruice was all come in he gaue to euery
one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand, and so likewise
drinke. His intent thereby is, as I haue heard, that euery man shall know
perfectly his seruants. Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles
before him name by name, that it is wonder to heare howe he could name
them, hauing so many as he hath. Thus when dinner was done I departed to my
lodging, which was an hower within night. I will leaue this, and speake no
more of him nor his houshold: but I will somewhat declare of his land and
people, with their nature and power in the wars. This Duke is Lord and
Emperour of many countries, and his power is marueilous great. For he is
able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men: he neuer
goeth into, the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men: And
when he goeth himselfe he furnisheth his borders all with men of warre,
which are no small number. He leaueth on the borders of Liefland fortie
thousand men, and vpon the borders of Letto 60 thousand men, and towarde
the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand, which is wonder to heare of: yet doeth
hee neuer take to his warres neither husbandman nor marchant. All his men
are horsemen: he vseth no footmen, but such as goe with the ordinance and
labourers, which are thirtie thousand. The horsemen are all archers, with
such bowes as the Turkes haue, and they ride short as doe the Turkes. Their
armour is a coate of plate, with a skull, on their heads. Some of their
coates are couered with veluet or cloth of gold: their desire is to be
sumptuous in the field, and especially the nobles and gentlemen: as I haue
heard their trimming is very costly, and partly I haue seene it, or else I
would scarcely haue beleeued it: but the Duke himselfe is richly attired
aboue all measure: his pauilion is couered either with cloth of gold or
siluer, and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it. I haue
seene the Kings Maiesties of England and the French Kings pauilions, which
are fayre, yet not like vnto his. And when they bee sent into farre or
strange countreys, or that strangers come to them, they be very gorgious.
Els the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell: and when he goeth
betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other
times. In the while that I was in Mosco the Duke sent two Ambassadours to
the King of Poleland, which had at the lest fiue hundred horses; their
sumptuousnes was aboue measure, not onely in them selues, but also in their
horses, as veluet, cloth of golde, and cloth of siluer set with pearles and
not scant. What shall I farther say? I neuer heard of nor saw men so
sumptuous: but it is no dayly guise, for when they haue not occasion, as I
sayd before, all their doing is but meane. And now to the effect of their
warres: They are men without al order in the field. For they runne hurling
on heapes, and for the most part they neuer giue battell to their enemies:
but that which they doe, they doe it all by stelth. But I beleeue they be
such men for hard liuing as are not vnder the sun: for no cold wil hurt
them. Yea and though they lie in the field two moneths, at such time as it
shall freese more then a yard thicke, the common souldier hath neither tent
nor any thing else ouer his head: the most defence they haue against the
wether is a felte, which is set against the winde and weather, and when
Snowe commeth hee doth cast it off, and maketh him a fire, and laieth him
down thereby. Thus doe the most of all his men, except they bee gentlemen
which haue other prouision of their owne. Their lying in the fielde is not
so strange as is their hardnes: for euery man must carie and make prouision
for himselfe and his horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderful.
For he himselfe shall liue vpon water and otemeale mingled together cold,
and drinke water therto, his horse shall eat green wood, and such like
baggage, and shall stand open in the cold field without couert, and yet wil
he labour and serue him right wel. I pray you amongst all our boasting
warriours how many should we find to endure the field with them but one
moneth. I know no such region about vs that beareth that name for man and
beast. Now what might be made of these men if they were trained and broken
to order and knowledge of ciuill wars? If this Prince had within his
countreys such men as could make them to vnderstand the things aforesaid, I
do beleeue that 2 of the best or greatest princes in Christendome were not
wel able to match with him, considering the greatnes of his power and the
hardnes of his people and straite liuing both of people and horse, and the
small charges which his warres stand him in: for he giueth no wages, except
to strangers. They haue a yerely stipend and not much. As for his own
countrey men euery one serueth of his owne proper costes and charges,
sauing that he giueth to his Harcubisiers certaine allowance for powder and
shot: or else no man in all his countrey hath one pennie wages. But if any
man hath done very good seruice he giueth him a ferme or a piece of lande;
for the which hee is bound at all times to be readie with so many men as
the Duke shall appoynt: who considereth in his mind what that lande or
ferme is well able to finde: and so many shall he bee bound to furnish at
all and euery such time as warres are holden in any of the Dukes dominions.
For there is no man of liuing, but hee is bound likewise, whether the Duke
call for either souldier or labourer, to furnish them with all such
necessaries as to them belong.

Also, if any gentleman or man of liuing do die without issue male,
immediately after his death the Duke entreth his land, notwithstanding he
haue neuer so many daughters, and peraduenture giueth it foorthwith to
another man, except a small portion that he spareth to marrie the daughters
with all. Also if there be a rich man, a fermour, or man of liuing, which
is stricken in age or by chance is maimed, and be not able to doe the Duke
seruice, some other gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe
seruice, will come to the Duke and complayne, saying, your Grace hath such
an one, which is vnmeete to doe seruice to your Highnes, who hath great
abundance of welth, and likewise your Grace hath many gentlemen which are
poore and lacke liuing, and we that lacke are well able to doe good
seruice, your grace might doe well to looke vpon him, and make him to helpe
those that want. Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his
wealth: and if it be so proued, he shall be called before the Duke, and it
shall bee sayd vnto him, friend, you haue too much liuing, and are
vnseruiceable to your prince, lesse will serue you, and the rest will serue
other men that are more able to serue, whereupon immediately his liuing
shall be taken away from him, sauing a little to find himselfe and his wife
on, and he may not once repine thereat: but for answere he will say, that
he hath nothing, but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces, and cannot say, as we
the common people in England say, if wee haue any thing; that is God's and
our owne. Men may say, that these men are in wonderfull great awe, and
obedience, that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath bene
scraping and scratching for all his life to be at his Princes pleasure and
commandement. Oh that our sturdie rebels were had in the like subiection to
knowe their duety towarde their Princes. They may not say as some snudges
in England say, I would find the Queene a man to serue in my place, or make
his friends tarrie at home if money, haue the vpper hand. No, no, it is not
so in this countrey: for hee shall make humble sute to serue the Duke. And
whom he sendeth most to the warres he thinketh he is most in his fauour:
and yet as I before haue sayde, hee giueth no wages. If they knewe their
strength no man were able to make match with them: nor they that dwel neere
them should haue any rest of them. But I thinke it is not Gods will: for I
may compare them to a young horse that knoweth not his strength: whome a
little childe ruleth and guideth with a bridle, for all his great strength:
for if he did, neither childe nor man could rule him. Their warres are
holden against the Crimme Tartarians and the Nagaians.

I will stand no longer in the rehearsall of their power and warres. For it
were too tedious to the reader. But I will in part declare their lawes, and
punishments, and the execution of iustice. And first I will begin with the
commons of the countrey, which the gentlemen haue rule on: And that is,
that euery gentleman hath rule and iustice vpon his owne tenants. And if it
so fall out that two gentlemens seruants and tenaunts doe disagree, the two
gentlemen examine the matter, and haue the parties before them, and soe
giue the sentence. And yet cannot they make the ende betwixt them of the
controuersie, but either of the gentlemen must bring his seruant or tenant
before the high iudge or iustice of that countrey, and there present them,
and declare the matter and case. The plaintife sayth, I require the law:
which is graunted: then commeth an officer and arresteth the party
defendant, and vseth him contrarie to the lawes of England. For when they
attach any man they beate him about the legges, vntill such time as he
findeth sureties to answere the matter: And if not, his handes and necke
are bound together, and he is led about the towne and beaten aboute the
legges, with other extreme punishments till he come to his answere: And the
Iustice demaundeth if it be for debt, and sayth: Owest thou this man any
such debt? He will perhaps say nay. Then sayth the Iudge: art thou able to
denie it? Let vs heare how? By othe sayth the defendant. Then he commandeth
to leaue beating him till further triall be had.

Their order in one point is commendable. They haue no man of Lawe to plead
their causes in any court: but euery man pleadeth his owne cause, and
giueth bill and answere in writing: contrarie to the order in England. The
complaint is in maner of a supplication, and made to the Dukes grace, and
deliuered him into his owne hand, requiring to haue iustice as in his
complaint is alleadged.

The Duke giueth sentence himselfe vpon all matters in the Law. Which is
very commendable, that such a Prince wil take paines to see ministration of
iustice. Yet nowithstanding it is wonderfully abused: and thereby the Duke
is much deceiued. But if it fall out that the officers be espied in cloking
the trueth, they haue most condigne punishment. And if the plaintife can
nothing prooue, then the defendant must take his oth vpon the crucifixe
whether he be in the right or no. Then is demanded if the plaintife be any
thing able further to make proof: if hee bee not; then sometimes he will
say, I am able to prooue it by my body and hands, or by my champions body,
so requiring the Campe. After the other hath his othe, it is graunted
aswell to the one as to the other. So when they goe to the field, they
sweare vpon the Crucifixe, that they be both in the right, and that the one
shall make the other to confesse the trueth before they depart foorth of
the field: and so they goe both to the battell armed with such weapons as
they vse in that countrey: they fight all on foote, and seldome the parties
themselues do fight, except they be Gentlemen, for they stand much vpon
their reputation, for they wil not fight, but with such as are come of as
good an house as themselues. So that if either partie require the combate,
it is granted vnto them, and no champion is to serue in their room: wherein
is no deceit: but otherwise by champions there is. For although they take
great othes vpon them to doe the battell truely, yet is the contrarie often
seene: because the common champions haue none other liuing. And assoone as
the one partie hath gotten the victorie, he demandeth the debt, and the
other is carried to prison, and there is shamefully vsed till he take
order. There is also another order in the lawe, that the plaintife may
sweare in some causes of debt. And if the partie defendant be poore, he
shalbe set vnder the Crucifixe, and the partie plaintife must sweare ouer
his head, and when hee hath taken his othe, the Duke taketh the partie
defendant home to his house, and vseth him as his bond-man, and putteth him
to labour, or letteth him for hier to any such as neede him, vntill such
time as his friends make prousion for his redemption: or else hee remaineth
in bondage all the dayes of his life. Againe there are many that will sell
themselues to Gentlemen or Marchants to bee their bond-men, to haue during
their life meate, drinke and cloth, and at their comming to haue a piece of
mony, yea and some will sell their wiues and children to be bawdes and
drudges to the byer. Also they haue a Lawe for Fellons and Pickers contrary
to the Lawes of England. For by their law they can hang no man for his
first offence; but may keepe him long in prison, and oftentimes beate him
with whips and other punishment: and there he shall remaine vntill his
friends be able to bayle him. If he be a picker or a cut-purse, as there be
very many, the second time he is taken, he hath a piece of his nose cut
off, and is burned in the forehead, and kept in prison till hee finde
sureties for his good behauiour. And, if he be taken the third time, he is
hanged. And at the first time he is extremely punished and not released,
except hee haue very good friends, or that some Gentleman require to haue
him to the warres: And in so doing, he shall enter into great bonds for
him: by which meanes the countrey is brought into good quietnesse. But they
be naturally giuen to great deceit, except extreme beating did bridle them.
They be naturally giuen to hard liuing aswell in fare as in lodging. I
heard a Russian say, that it was a great deale merrier liuing in prison
then foorth, but for the great beating. For they haue meate and drinke
without any labour, and get the charitie of well disposed people: But being
at libertie they get nothing. The poore is very innumerable, and liue most
miserably: for I haue seene them eate the pickle of Hearring and other
stinking fish: nor the fish cannot be so stinking nor rotten, but they will
eate it and praise it to be more wholesome then other fish or fresh meate.
In mine opinion there be no such people vnder the sunne for their hardnesse
of liuing. Well, I will leaue them in this poynt, and will in part declare
their Religion. They doe obserue the lawe of the Greekes with such excesse
of superstition, as the like hath not bene heard of. They haue no grauen
images in their Churches, but all painted, to the intent they will not
breake the commandement: but to their painted images they vse such
idolatrie, that the like was neuer heard of in England. They will neither
worship nor honour any image that is made forth of their owne countrey. For
their owne images (say they) haue pictures to declare what they be, and
howe they be of God, and so be not ours: They say, Looke how the Painter or
Caruer hath made them, so we doe worship them, and they worship none before
they be Christened. They say we be but halfe Christians: because we obserue
not part of the olde Law with the Turks. Therefore they call themselues
more holy then vs. They haue none other learning but their mother tongue,
nor will suffer no other in their countrey among them. All their seruice in
Churches is in their mother tongue. They haue the olde and newe Testament,
which are daily read among them: and yet their superstition is no lesse.
For when the Priests doe reade, they haue such tricks in their reading,
that no man can vnderstand them, nor no man giueth eare to them. For all
the while the Priest readeth, the people sit downe and one talke with
another. But when the Priest is at seruice no man sitteth, but gagle and
ducke like so many Geese. And as for their prayers they haue but little
skill, but vse to say _As bodi pomele_: As much to say, Lord haue mercy
vpon me. For the tenth man within the land cannot say the Pater noster. And
as for the Creede, no man may be so bolde as to meddle therewith but in the
Church: for they say it shoulde not bee spoken of, but in the Churches.
Speake to them of the Commandements, and they will say they were giuen to
Moses in the law, which Christ hath now abrogated by his precious death and
passion: therefore, (say they) we obserue little or none thereof. And I doe
beleeue them. For if they were examined of their Lawe and Commaundements
together, they shoulde agree but in fewe poynts. They haue the Sacrament of
the Lords Supper in both kindes, and more ceremonies then wee haue. They
present them in a dish in both kindes together, and carrie them rounde
about the Church vpon the Priestes head, and so doe minister at all such
times as any shall require. They be great offerers of Candles, and
sometimes of money, which wee call in England, Soule pense, with more
ceremonies then I am able to declare. They haue foure Lents in the yeere,
whereof our Lent is the greatest. Looke as we doe begin on the Wednesday,
so they doe on the Munday before: And the weeke before that they call The
Butter weeke: And in that weeke they eate nothing but Butter and milke.
Howbeit I beleeue there bee in no other countrey the like people for
drunkennesse. The next Lent is called Saint Peters Lent, and beginneth
alwayes the Munday next after Trinitie sunday, and endeth on Saint Peters
euen. If they should breake that fast, their beliefe is, that they should
not come in at heauen gates. And when any of them die, they haue a
testimoniall with them in the Coffin, that when the soule commeth to heauen
gates it may deliuer the same to Saint Peter, which declareth that the
partie is a true and holy Russian. The third Lent beginneth fifteene dayes
before the later Lady day, and endeth on our Lady Eeuen. The fourth Lent
beginneth on Saint Martin's day, and endeth on Christmas Eeuen: which Lent
is fasted for Saint Philip, Saint Peter, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clement.
For they foure be the principall arid greatest Saints in that Countrey. In
these Lents they eate neither Butter, Egges, Milke, or Cheese; but they are
very straitely kept with Fish, Cabbages, and Rootes. And out of their
Lents, they obserue truely the Wednesdayes and Fridayes throughout the
yeere: and on the Saturday they doe eate flesh. Furthermore they haue a
great number of Religious men: which are blacke Monks, and they eate no
flesh throughout the yeere, but fish, milke and Butter. By their order they
should eate no fresh-fish, and in their Lents they eate nothing but
Coleworts, Cabbages, salt Cowcumbers, with other rootes, as Radish and such
like. Their drinke is like our peny Ale, and is called Quass. They haue
seruice daily in their Churches; and vse to goe to seruice two houres
before day, and that is ended by day light. At nine of the clocke they goe
to Masse: that ended, to dinner: and after that to seruice againe: and then
to supper. You shall vnderstand that at euery dinner and supper they haue
declared the exposition of the Gospel of that day: but howe they wrest and
twine the Scripture and that together by report it is wonderfull. As for
whoredome and drunkennesse there be none such liuing: and for extortion,
they be the most abhominable under the sunne. Nowe iudge of their
holinesse. They haue twise as much land as the Duke himselfe hath: but yet
he is reasonable eeuen with them, as thus: When they take bribes of any of
the poore and simple, he hath it by an order. When the Abbot of any of
their houses dieth, then the Duke hath all his goods moueable and
vnmoueable: so that the successour buieth all at the Dukes hands: and by
this meane they be the best Fermers the Duke hath. Thus with their Religion
I make an ende, trusting hereafter to know it better.

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