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Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, Vol. 2

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* * * * *

Some days after my arrival at Quebec, a locksmith conspired against the
service of the king. His plan was to put me to death, and, getting
possession of our fort, to put it into the hands of the Basques or
Spaniards, then at Tadoussac, beyond which vessels cannot go, from not
having a knowledge of the route, nor of the banks and rocks on the way.

In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped to make his
fortune, he suborned four of the worst characters, as he supposed, telling
them a thousand falsehoods, and presenting to them prospects of acquiring
riches.

These four men, having been won over, all promised to act in such a manner
as to gain the rest over to their side; so that, for the time being, I had
no one with me in whom I could put confidence, which gave them still more
hope of making their plan succeed: for four or five of my companions, in
whom they knew that I put confidence, were on board of the barques, for the
purpose of protecting the provisions and supplies necessary for our
settlement.

In a word, they were so skilful in carrying out their intrigues with those
who remained, that they were on the point of gaining all over to their
cause, even my lackey, promising them many things which they could not have
fulfilled.

Being now all agreed, they made daily different plans as to how they should
put me to death, so as not to be accused of it, which they found to be a
difficult thing. But the devil, blindfolding them all and taking away their
reason and every possible difficulty, they determined to take me while
unarmed, and strangle me; or to give a false alarm at night, and shoot me
as I went out, in which manner they judged that they would accomplish their
work sooner than otherwise. They made a mutual promise not to betray each
other, on penalty that the first one who opened his mouth should be
poniarded. They were to execute their plan in four days, before the
arrival of our barques, otherwise they would have been unable to carry out
their scheme.

On this very day, one of our barques arrived, with our pilot, Captain
Testu, a very discreet man. After the barque was unloaded, and ready to
return to Tadoussac, there came to him a locksmith, named Natel, an
associate of Jean du Val, the head of the conspiracy, who told him that he
had promised the rest to do just as they did; but that he did not in fact
desire the execution of the plot, yet did not dare to make a disclosure in
regard to it, from fear of being poniarded.

Antoine Natel made the pilot promise that he would make no disclosure in
regard to what he should say, since, if his companions should discover it,
they would put him to death. The pilot gave him his assurance in all
particulars, and asked him to state the character of the plot which they
wished to carry out. This Natel did at length, when the pilot said to him:
"My friend, you have done well to disclose such a malicious design, and you
show that you are an upright man, and under the guidance of the Holy
Spirit. But these things cannot be passed by without bringing them to the
knowledge of Sieur de Champlain, that he may make provision against them;
and I promise you that I will prevail upon him to pardon you and the rest.
And I will at once," said the pilot, "go to him without exciting any
suspicion; and do you go about your business, listening to all they may
say, and not troubling yourself about the rest."

The pilot came at once to me, in a garden which I was having prepared, and
said that he wished to speak to me in a private place, where we could be
alone. I readily assented, and we went into the wood, where he related to
me the whole affair. I asked who had told it to him. He begged me to pardon
him who had made the disclosure, which I consented to do, although he ought
to have addressed himself to me. He was afraid, he replied, that you would
become angry, and harm him. I told him that I was able to govern myself
better than that, in such a matter; and desired him to have the man come to
me, that I might hear his statement. He went, and brought him all trembling
with fear lest I should do him some harm. I reassured him, telling him not
to be afraid; that he was in a place of safety, and that I should pardon
him for all that he had done, together with the others, provided he would
tell me in full the truth in regard to the whole matter, and the motive
which had impelled them to it. "Nothing," he said, "had impelled them,
except that they had imagined that, by giving up the place into the hands
of the Basques or Spaniards, they might all become rich, and that they did
not want to go back to France." He also related to me the remaining
particulars in regard to their conspiracy.

After having heard and questioned him, I directed him to go about his
work. Meanwhile, I ordered the pilot to bring up his shallop, which he
did. Then I gave two bottles of wine to a young man, directing him to say
to these four worthies, the leaders of the conspiracy, that it was a
present of wine, which his friends at Tadoussac had given him, and that he
wished to share it with them. This they did not decline, and at evening
were on board the barque where he was to give them the entertainment. I
lost no time in going there shortly after; and caused them to be seized,
and held until the next day.

Then were my worthies astonished indeed. I at once had all get up, for it
was about ten o'clock in the evening, and pardoned them all, on condition
that they would disclose to me the truth in regard to all that had
occurred; which they did, when I had them retire.

The next day I took the depositions of all, one after the other, in the
presence of the pilot and sailors of the vessel, which I had put down in
writing; and they were well pleased, as they said, since they had lived
only in fear of each other, especially of the four knaves who had ensnared
them. But now they lived in peace, satisfied, as they declared, with the
treatment which they had received.

The same day I had six pairs of handcuffs made for the authors of the
conspiracy: one for our surgeon, named Bonnerme, one for another, named La
Taille, whom the four conspirators had accused, which, however, proved
false, and consequently they were given their liberty.

This being done, I took my worthies to Tadoussac, begging Pont Gravé to do
me the favor of guarding them, since I had as yet no secure place for
keeping them, and as we were occupied in constructing our places of abode.
Another object was to consult with him, and others on the ship, as to what
should be done in the premises. We suggested that, after he had finished
his work at Tadoussac, he should come to Quebec with the prisoners, where
we should have them confronted with their witnesses, and, after giving them
a hearing, order justice to be done according to the offence which they had
committed.

I went back the next day to Quebec, to hasten the completion of our
storehouse, so as to secure our provisions, which had been misused by all
those scoundrels, who spared nothing, without reflecting how they could
find more when these failed; for I could not obviate the difficulty until
the storehouse should be completed and shut up.

Pont Gravé arrived some time after me, with the prisoners, which caused
uneasiness to the workmen who remained, since they feared that I should
pardon them, and that they would avenge themselves upon them for revealing
their wicked design.

We had them brought face to face, and they affirmed before them all which
they had stated in their depositions, the prisoners not denying it, but
admitting that they had acted in a wicked manner, and should be punished,
unless mercy might be exercised towards them; accursing, above all, Jean du
Val, who had been trying to lead them into such a conspiracy from the time
of their departure from France. Du Val knew not what to say, except that he
deserved death, that all stated in the depositions was true, and that he
begged for mercy upon himself and the others, who had given in their
adherence to his pernicious purposes.

After Pont Gravé and I, the captain of the vessel, surgeon, mate, second
mate, and other sailors, had heard their depositions and face to face
statements, we adjudged that it would be enough to put to death Du Val, as
the instigator of the conspiracy; and that he might serve as an example to
those who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly in future,
in the discharge of their duty; and that the Spaniards and Basques, of whom
there were large numbers in the country, might not glory in the event. We
adjudged that the three others be condemned to be hung, but that they
should be taken to France and put into the hands of Sieur de Monts, that
such ample justice might be done them as he should recommend; that they
should be sent with all the evidence and their sentence, as well as that of
Jean du Val, who was strangled and hung at Quebec, and his head was put on
the end of a pike, to be set up in the most conspicuous place on our fort.


ENDNOTES:

309. Champlain here plainly means to say that the Indians call the narrow
place in the river _Quebec_. For this meaning of the word, viz.,
narrowing of waters, in the Algonquin language, the authority is
abundant. Laverdière quotes, as agreeing with him in this view,
Bellenger, Ferland, and Lescarbot. "The narrowing of the river," says
Charlevoix, "gave it the name of _Quebeio_ or _Quebec_, which in the
_Algonquin_ language signifies _contraction_. The Abenaquis, whose
language is a dialect of the Algonquin, call it Quelibec, which
signifies something shut up."--_Charlevoix's Letters_, pp. 18, 19.
Alfred Hawkins, in his "Historical Recollections of Quebec," regards
the word of Norman origin, which he finds on a seal of the Duke of
Suffolk, as early as 1420. The theory is ingenious: but it requires
some other characteristic historical facts to challenge our belief.
When Cartier visited Quebec, it was called by the natives Stadacone.
--_Vide Cartier's Brief Récit_, 1545, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 1863,
p. 14.




CHAPTER IV.

RETURN OF PONT GRAVÉ TO FRANCE.--DESCRIPTION OF OUR QUARTERS AND THE PLACE
WHERE JACQUES CARTIER STAYED IN 1535.


After all these occurrences, Pont Gravé set out from Quebec, on the 18th of
September, to return to France with the three prisoners. After he had gone,
all who remained conducted themselves correctly in the discharge of their
duty.

I had the work on our quarters continued, which was composed of three
buildings of two stories. Each one was three fathoms long, and two and a
half wide. The storehouse was six fathoms long and three wide, with a fine
cellar six feet deep. I had a gallery made all around our buildings, on the
outside, at the second story, which proved very convenient. There were
also ditches, fifteen feet wide and six deep. On the outer side of the
ditches, I constructed several spurs, which enclosed a part of the
dwelling, at the points where we placed our cannon. Before the habitation
there is a place four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out upon
the river-bank. Surrounding the habitation are very good gardens, and a
place on the north side some hundred or hundred and twenty paces long and
fifty or sixty wide. Moreover, near Quebec, there is a little river, coming
from a lake in the interior, [310] distant six or seven leagues from our
settlement. I am of opinion that this river, which is north a quarter
north-west from our settlement, is the place where Jacques Cartier
wintered, [311] since there are still, a league up the river, remains of
what seems to have been a chimney, the foundation of which has been found,
and indications of there having been ditches surrounding their dwelling,
which was small. We found, also, large pieces of hewn, worm-eaten timber,
and some three or four cannon-balls. All these things show clearly that
there was a settlement there founded by Christians; and what leads me to
say and believe that it was that of Jacques Cartier is the fact that there
is no evidence whatever that any one wintered and built a house in these
places except Jacques Cartier, at the time of his discoveries. This place,
as I think, must have been called St. Croix, as he named it; which name
has since been transferred to another place fifteen leagues west of our
settlement. But there is no evidence of his having wintered in the place
now called St. Croix, nor in any other there, since in this direction there
is no river or other place large enough for vessels except the main river
or that of which I spoke above; here there is half a fathom of water at low
tide, many rocks, and a bank at the mouth; for vessels, if kept in the main
river, where there are strong currents and tides, and ice in the winter,
drifting along, would run the risk of being lost; especially as there is a
sandy point extending out into the river, and filled with rocks, between
which we have found, within the last three years, a passage not before
discovered; but one must go through cautiously, in consequence of the
dangerous points there. This place is exposed to the north-west winds; a
half fathoms. There are no signs of buildings here, nor any indications
that a man of judgment would settle in this place, there being many other
better ones, in case one were obliged to make a permanent stay. I have been
desirous of speaking at length on this point, since many believe that the
abode of Jacques Cartier was here, which I do not believe, for the reasons
here given; for Cartier would have left to posterity a narrative of the
matter, as he did in the case of all he saw and discovered; and I maintain
that my opinion is the true one, as can be shown by the history which he
has left, in writing.

* * * * *

CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

ABITATION DE QUEBECQ.

_A_. The storehouse.
_B_. Dove-cote.
_C_. A building where our arms are kept, and for lodging our workmen.
_D_. Another building for our workmen.
_E_. Dial.
_F_. Another building, comprising the blacksmith's shop and the lodgings of
the mechanics.
_G_. Galleries extending entirely round the dwellings.
_H_. The dwelling of Sieur de Champlain.
_I_. Gate to the habitation where there is a drawbridge.
_L_. Promenade about the habitation ten feet wide, extending to the border
of the moat.
_M_. Moat extending all round our habitation.
_N_. Platforms, of a tenaille form, for our cannon.
_O_. Garden of Sieur de Champlain.
_P_. The kitchen.
_Q_. Open space before the habitation on the bank of the river.
_R_. The great river St. Lawrence.

* * * * *

As still farther proof that this place now called St. Croix is not the
place where Jacques Cartier wintered, as most persons think, this is what
he says about it in his discoveries, taken from his history; namely, that
he arrived at the Isle aux Coudres on the 5th of December, [312] 1535,
which he called by this name, as hazel-nuts were found there. There is a
strong tidal current in this place; and he says that it is three leagues
long, but it is quite enough to reckon a league and a half. On the 7th of
the month, Notre Dame Day, [313] he set out from this island to go up the
river, in which he saw fourteen islands, distant seven or eight leagues
from Isle aux Coudres on the south. He errs somewhat in this estimation,
for it is not more than three leagues. [314] He also says that the place
where the islands are is the commencement of the land or province of
Canada, and that he reached an island ten leagues long and five wide, where
extensive fisheries are carried on, fish being here, in fact, very
abundant, especially the sturgeon. But its length is not more than six
leagues, and its breadth two; a fact well recognized now. He says also that
he anchored between this island and the main land on the north, the
smallest passage, and a dangerous one, where he landed two savages whom he
had taken to France, and that, after stopping in this place some time with
the people of the country, he sent for his barques and went farther up the
river, with the tide, seeking a harbor and place of security for his ships.
He says, farther, that they went on up the river, coasting along this
island, the length of which he estimates at ten leagues; and after it was
passed they found a very fine and pleasant bay, containing a little river
and bar harbor, which they found very favorable for sheltering their
vessels. This they named St. Croix, since he arrived there on this day; and
at the time of the voyage of Cartier the place was called Stadaca, [315]
but we now call it Quebec. He says, also, that after he had examined this
place he returned to get his vessels for passing the winter there.

Now we may conclude, accordingly, that the distance is only five leagues
from the Isle aux Coudres to the Isle of Orleans, [316] at the western
extremity of which the river is very broad; and at which bay, as Cartier
calls it, there is no other river than that which he called St. Croix, a
good league distant from the Isle of Orleans, in which, at low tide, there
is only half a fathom of water. It is very dangerous for vessels at its
mouth, there being a large number of spurs; that is, rocks scattered here
and there. It is accordingly necessary to place buoys in order to enter,
there being, as I have stated, three fathoms of water at ordinary tides,
and four fathoms, or four and a half generally, at the great tides at full
flood. It is only fifteen hundred paces from our habitation, which is
higher up the river; and, as I have stated, there is no other river up to
the place now called St. Croix, where vessels can lie, there being only
little brooks. The shores are flat and dangerous, which Cartier does not
mention until the time that he sets out from St. Croix, now called Quebec,
where he left his vessels, and built his place of abode, as is seen from
what follows.

On the 19th of September, he set out from St. Croix, where his vessels
were, setting sail with the tide up the river, which they found very
pleasant, as well on account of the woods, vines, and dwellings, which were
there in his time, as for other reasons. They cast anchor twenty-five
leagues from the entrance to the land of Canada; [317] that is, at the
western extremity of the Isle of Orleans, so called by Cartier. What is
now called St Croix was then called Achelacy, at a narrow pass where the
river is very swift and dangerous on account of the rocks and other things,
and which can only be passed at flood-tide. Its distance from Quebec and
the river where Cartier wintered is fifteen leagues.

Now, throughout the entire extent of this river, from Quebec to the great
fall, there are no narrows except at the place now called St. Croix; the
name of which has been transferred from one place to another one, which is
very dangerous, as my description shows. And it is very apparent, from his
narrative, that this was not the site of his habitation, as is claimed; but
that the latter was near Quebec, and that no one had entered into a special
investigation of this matter before my doing so in my voyages. For the
first time I was told that he dwelt in this place, I was greatly
astonished, finding no trace of a river for vessels, as he states there
was. This led me to make a careful examination, in order to remove the
suspicion and doubt of many persons in regard to the matter. [318]

While the carpenters, sawers of boards, and other workmen, were employed on
our quarters, I set all the others to work clearing up around our place of
abode, in preparation for gardens in which to plant grain and seeds, that
we might see how they would flourish, as the soil seemed to be very good.

Meanwhile, a large number of savages were encamped in cabins near us,
engaged in fishing for eels, which begin to come about the 15th of
September, and go away on the 15th of October. During this time, all the
Savages subsist on this food, and dry enough of it for the winter to last
until the month of February, when there are about two and a half, or at
most three, feet of snow; and, when their eels and other things which they
dry have been prepared, they go to hunt the beaver until the beginning of
January. At their departure for this purpose, they intrusted to us all
their eels and other things, until their return, which was on the 15th of
December. But they did not have great success in the beaver-hunt, as the
amount of water was too great, the rivers having overrun their banks, as
they told us. I returned to them all their supplies, which lasted them only
until the 20th of January. When their supply of eels gave out, they hunted
the elk and such other wild beasts as they could find until spring, when I
was able to supply them with various things. I paid especial attention to
their customs.

These people suffer so much from lack of food that they are sometimes
obliged to live on certain shell-fish, and eat their dogs and the skins
with which they clothe themselves against the cold. I am of opinion that,
if one were to show them how to live, and teach them the cultivation of the
soil and other things, they would learn very aptly. For many of them
possess good sense, and answer properly questions put to them. They have a
bad habit of taking vengeance, and are great liars, and you must not put
much reliance on them, except judiciously, and with force at hand. They
make promises readily, but keep their word poorly. The most of them observe
no law at all, so far as I have been able to see, and are, besides, full of
superstitions. I asked them with what ceremonies they were accustomed to
pray to their God, when they replied that they had none, but that each
prayed to him in his heart, as he wished. That is why there is no law among
them, and they do not know what it is to worship and pray to God, living as
they do like brute beasts. But I think that they would soon become good
Christians, if people would come and inhabit their country, which they are
for the most part desirous of. There are some savages among them, called by
them Pilotais, whom they believe have intercourse with the devil face to
face, who tells them what they must do in regard to war and other things;
and, if he should order them to execute any undertaking, they would obey at
once. So, also, they believe that all their dreams are true; and, in fact,
there are many who say that they have had visions and dreams about matters
which actually come to pass or will do so. But, to tell the truth, these
are diabolical visions, through which they are deceived and misled. This is
all I have been able to learn about their brutish faith. All these people
are well proportioned in body, without deformity, and are agile. The women,
also, are well-formed, plump, and of a swarthy color, in consequence of
certain pigments with which they rub themselves, and which give them a
permanent olive color. They are dressed in skins: a part only of the body
is covered. But in winter they are covered throughout, in good furs of elk,
otter, beaver, bear, seals, deer, and roe, of which they have large
quantities. In winter, when the snow is deep, they make a sort of snow-shoe
of large size, two or three times as large as that used in France, which
they attach to their feet, thus going over the snow without sinking in;
otherwise, they could not hunt or walk in many places. They have a sort of
marriage, which is as follows: When a girl is fourteen or fifteen years
old, and has several suitors, she may keep company with all she likes. At
the end of five or six years, she takes the one that pleases her for her
husband, and they live together to the end of their lives. But if, after
living some time together, they have no children, the man can disunite
himself and take another woman, alleging that his own is good for nothing.
Hence, the girls have greater freedom than the married women.

After marriage, the women are chaste, and their husbands generally
jealous. They give presents to the fathers or relatives of the girls they
have wedded. These are the ceremonies and forms observed in their
marriages. In regard to their burials: When a man or a woman dies, they dig
a pit, in which they put all their property, as kettles, furs, axes, bows,
arrows, robes, and other things. Then they place the body in the pit and
cover it with earth, putting, on top many large pieces of wood, and another
piece upright, painted red on the upper part. They believe in the
immortality of the soul, and say that they shall be happy in other lands
with their relatives and friends who are dead. In the case of captains or
others of some distinction, they celebrate a banquet three times a year
after their death, singing and dancing about the grave.

All the time they were with us, which was the most secure place for them,
they did not cease to fear their enemies to such an extent that they often
at night became alarmed while dreaming, and sent their wives and children
to our fort, the gates of which I had opened to them, allowing the men to
remain about the fort, but not permitting them to enter, for their persons
were thus as much in security as if they had been inside. I also had five
or six of our men go out to reassure them, and to go and ascertain whether
they could see any thing in the woods, in order to quiet them. They are
very timid and in great dread of their enemies, scarcely ever sleeping in
repose in whatever place they may be, although I constantly reassured them,
so far as I could, urging them to do as we did; namely, that they should
have a portion watch while the others slept, that each one should have his
arms in readiness like him who was keeping watch, and that they should not
regard dreams as the actual truth to be relied upon, since they are mostly
only false, to which I also added other words on the same subject. But
these remonstrances were of little avail with them, and they said that we
knew better than they how to keep guard against all things; and that they,
in course of time, if we continued to stay with them, would be able to
learn it.

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