Horace

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Produced by Charles Franks, Delphine Lettau and the DP team

HORACE

BY

THEODORE MARTIN

From the Series Ancient Classics for English Readers

edited by

REV. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M. A.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I. BIRTH.--EDUCATION.--CAMPAIGN WITH BRUTUS AND CASSIUS

CHAPTER II. RETURNS TO ROME AFTER BATTLE OF PHILIPPI.--EARLY POEMS

CHAPTER III. INTRODUCTION TO MAECENAS.--THE JOURNEY TO BRUNDUSIUM

CHAPTER IV. PUBLICATION OF FIRST BOOK OF SATIRES.--HIS FRIENDS.--
RECEIVES THE SABINE FARM FROM MAECENAS

CHAPTER V. LIFE IN ROME.--HORACE'S BORE.--EXTRAVAGANCE OF THE ROMAN
DINNERS

CHAPTER VI. HORACE'S LOVE-POETRY

CHAPTER VII. HORACE'S POEMS TO HIS FRIENDS.--HIS PRAISES OF
CONTENTMENT

CHAPTER VIII. PREVAILING BELIEF IN ASTROLOGY.--HORACE'S VIEWS OF A
HEREAFTER.--RELATIONS WITH MAECENAS--BELIEF IN THE
PERMANENCE OF HIS OWN FAME

CHAPTER IX. HORACE'S RELATIONS WITH AUGUSTUS--HIS LOVE OF
INDEPENDENCE

CHAPTER X. DELICACY OF HORACE'S HEALTH.-HIS CHEERFULNESS--LOVE OF
BOOKS.--HIS PHILOSOPHY PRACTICAL.--EPISTLE TO AUGUSTUS.
--DEATH

PREFACE.

No writer of antiquity has taken a stronger hold upon the modern mind
than Horace. The causes of this are manifold, but three may be
especially noted: his broad human sympathies, his vigorous common-
sense, and his consummate mastery of expression. The mind must be
either singularly barren or singularly cold to which Horace does not
speak. The scholar, the statesman, the soldier, the man of the world,
the town-bred man, the lover of the country, the thoughtful and the
careless, he who reads much, and he who reads little, all find in his
pages more or less to amuse their fancy, to touch their feelings, to
quicken their observation, to nerve their convictions, to put into
happy phrase the deductions of their experience. His poetical
sentiment is not pitched in too high a key for the unimaginative, but
it is always so genuine that the most imaginative feel its charm. His
wisdom is deeper than it seems, so simple, practical, and direct as it
is in its application; and his moral teaching more spiritual and
penetrating than is apparent on a superficial study. He does not fall
into the common error of didactic writers, of laying upon life more
than it will bear; but he insists that it shall at least bear the
fruits of integrity, truth, honour, justice, self-denial, and
brotherly charity. Over and above the mere literary charm of his
works, too--and herein, perhaps, lies no small part of the secret of
his popularity--the warm heart and thoroughly urbane nature of the man
are felt instinctively by his readers, and draw them to him as to a
friend.

Hence it is that we find he has been a manual with men the most
diverse in their natures, culture, and pursuits. Dante ranks him next
after Homer. Montaigne, as might be expected, knows him by heart.
Fenelon and Bossuet never weary of quoting him. La Fontaine polishes
his own exquisite style upon his model; and Voltaire calls him "the
best of preachers." Hooker escapes with him to the fields to seek
oblivion of a hard life, made harder by a shrewish spouse. Lord
Chesterfield tells us, "When I talked my best I quoted Horace." To
Boileau and to Wordsworth he is equally dear. Condorcet dies in his
dungeon with Horace open by his side; and in Gibbon's militia days,
"on every march," he says, "in every journey, Horace was always in my
pocket, and often in my hand." And as it has been, so it is. In many a
pocket, where this might be least expected, lies a well-thumbed
Horace; and in many a devout Christian heart the maxims of the gentle,
genial pagan find a place near the higher teachings of a greater
master.

Where so much of a writer's charm lies, as with Horace, in exquisite
aptness of language, and in a style perfect for fulness of suggestion
combined with brevity and grace, the task of indicating his
characteristics in translation demands the most liberal allowance from
the reader. In this volume the writer has gladly availed himself,
where he might, of the privilege liberally accorded to him to use the
admirable translations of the late Mr Conington, which are
distinguished in all cases by the addition of his initial. The other
translations are the writer's own. For these it would be superfluous
to claim indulgence. This is sure to be granted by those who know
their Horace well. With those who do not, these translations will not
be wholly useless, if they serve to pique them into cultivating an
acquaintance with the original sufficiently close to justify them in
turning critics of their defects.

QUINTUS HORATIUS FLACCUS.

BORN, A.U.C. 689, B.C. 65. DIED, A.U.C. 746, B.C. 8.

CHAPTER I.

BIRTH.--EDUCATION.--CAMPAIGN WITH BRUTUS AND CASSIUS.

Like the two greatest lyrists of modern times, Burns and Béranger,
Horace sprang from the ranks of the people. His father had been a
slave, and he was himself cradled among "the huts where poor men lie."
Like these great lyrists, too, Horace was proud of his origin. After
he had become the intimate associate of the first men in Rome--nay,
the bosom friend of the generals and statesmen who ruled the world--he
was at pains on more occasions than one to call attention to the fact
of his humble birth, and to let it be known that, had he to begin life
anew, he was so far from desiring a better ancestry that he would,
like Andrew Marvell, have made "his destiny his choice." Nor is this
done with the pretentious affectation of the parvenu, eager to bring
under notice the contrast between what he is and what he has been, and
to insinuate his personal deserts, while pretending to disclaim them.
Horace has no such false humility. He was proud, and he makes no
secret that he was so, of the name he had made,--proud of it for
himself and for the class from which, he had sprung. But it was his
practice, as well as his settled creed, to rate at little the
accidents of birth and fortune. A stronger and higher feeling,
however, more probably dictated the avowal,--gratitude to that slave-
born father whose character and careful training had stamped an
abiding influence upon the life and genius of his son. Neither might
he have been unwilling in this way quietly to protest against the
worship of rank and wealth which he saw everywhere around him, and
which was demoralising society in Rome. The favourite of the Emperor,
the companion of Maecenas, did not himself forget, neither would he
let others forget, that he was a freedman's son; and in his own way
was glad to declare, as Béranger did of himself at the height of his
fame,

"Je suis vilain, et très vilain."

The Roman poets of the pre-Augustan and Augustan periods, unlike
Horace, were all well born. Catullus and Calvus, his great
predecessors in lyric poetry, were men of old and noble family Virgil,
born five years before Horace, was the son of a Roman citizen of good
property. Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid, who were respectively six,
fourteen, and twenty years his juniors, were all of equestrian rank.
Horace's father was a freed-man of the town of Venusia, the modern
Venosa. It is supposed that he had been a _publicus servus_, or
slave of the community, and took his distinctive name from the
Horatian tribe, to which the community belonged. He had saved a
moderate competency in the vocation of _coactor_, a name applied
both to the collectors of public revenue and of money at sales by
public auction. To which of these classes he belonged is uncertain--
most probably to the latter; and in those days of frequent
confiscations, when property was constantly changing hands, the
profits of his calling, at best a poor one, may have been unusually
large. With the fruits of his industry he had purchased a small farm
near Venusia, upon the banks of the Aufidus, the modern Ofanto, on the
confines of Lucania and Apulia, Here, on the 8th of December, B.C. 65,
the poet was born; and this picturesque region of mountain, forest,
and river, "meet nurse of a poetic child," impressed itself indelibly
on his memory, and imbued him with the love of nature, especially in
her rugged aspect, which remained with him through life. He appears to
have left the locality in early life, and never to have revisited it;
but when he has occasion to describe its features (Odes, III. 4), he
does this with a sharpness and truth of touch, which show how closely
he had even then begun to observe. Acherontia, perched nest-like among
the rocks, the Bantine thickets, the fat meadows of low-lying
Forentum, which his boyish eye had noted, attest to this hour the
vivid accuracy of his description. The passage in question records an
interesting incident in the poet's childhood. Escaping from his nurse,
he has rambled away from the little cottage on the slopes of Mount
Vultur, whither he had probably been taken from the sultry Venusia to
pass his _villeggiatura_ during the heat of summer, and is found
asleep, covered with fresh myrtle and laurel leaves, in which the
wood-pigeons have swathed him.

"When from my nurse erewhile, on Vultur's steep,
I stray'd beyond the bound
Of our small homestead's ground,
Was I, fatigued with play, beneath a heap
Of fresh leaves sleeping found,--

"Strewn by the storied doves; and wonder fell
On all, their nest who keep
On Acherontia's steep,
Or in Forentum's low rich pastures dwell,
Or Bantine woodlands deep,

"That safe from bears and adders in such place
I lay, and slumbering smiled,
O'erstrewn with myrtle wild,
And laurel, by the god's peculiar grace
No craven-hearted child."

The incident thus recorded is not necessarily discredited by the
circumstance of its being closely akin to what is told by Aelian of
Pindar, that a swarm of bees settled upon his lips, and fed him with
honey, when he was left exposed upon the highway. It probably had some
foundation in fact, whatever may be thought of the implied augury of
the special favour of the gods which is said to have been drawn from
it at the time. In any case, the picture of the strayed child,
sleeping unconscious of its danger, with its hands full of wild-
flowers, is pleasant to contemplate.

In his father's house, and in those of the Apulian peasantry around
him, Horace became familiar with the simple virtues of the poor, their
industry and independence, their integrity, chastity, and self-denial,
which he loved to contrast in after years with the luxury and vice of
imperial Rome. His mother he would seem to have lost early. No mention
of her occurs, directly or indirectly, throughout his poems; and
remarkable as Horace is for the warmth of his affections, this could
scarcely have happened had she not died when he was very young. He
appears also to have been an only child. This doubtless drew him
closer to his father, and the want of the early influences of mother
or sister may serve to explain why one misses in his poetry something
of that gracious tenderness towards womanhood, which, looking to the
sweet and loving disposition of the man, one might otherwise have
expected to find in it. That he was no common boy we may be very sure,
even if this were not manifest from the fact that his father resolved
to give him a higher education than was to be obtained under a
provincial schoolmaster. With this view, although little able to
afford the expense, he took his son, when about twelve years old, to
Rome, and gave him the best education the capital could supply. No
money was spared to enable him to keep his position among his fellow-
scholars of the higher ranks. He was waited on by several slaves, as
though he were the heir to a considerable fortune. At the same time,
however, he was not allowed either to feel any shame for his own
order, or to aspire to a position which his patrimony was unable to
maintain. His father taught him to look forward to some situation akin
to that in which his own modest competency had been acquired; and to
feel that, in any sphere, culture, self-respect, and prudent self-
control must command influence, and afford the best guarantee for
happiness. In reading this part of Horace's story, as he tells it
himself, one is reminded of Burns's early lines about his father and
himself:--

"My father was a farmer upon the Carrick border,
And carefully he bred me up in decency and order.
He bade me act a manly part, though I had ne'er a farthing,
For without an honest manly heart no man was worth regarding."

The parallel might be still further pursued. "My father," says Gilbert
Burns, "was for some time almost the only companion we had. He
conversed familiarly on all subjects with us as if we had been men,
and was at great pains, while we accompanied him in the labours of the
farm, to lead the conversation to such subjects as might tend to
increase our knowledge, or confirm us in virtuous habits." How closely
this resembles the method adopted with Horace by his father will be
seen hereafter. [Footnote: Compare it, too, with what Horace reports
of "Ofellus the hind, Though no scholar, a sage of exceptional kind,"
in the Second Satire of the Second Book, from line 114 to the end.]

Horace's literary master at Rome was Orbilius Pupillus, a grammarian,
who had carried into his school his martinet habits as an old soldier;
and who, thanks to Horace, has become a name (_plagosus Orbilius_,
Orbilius of the birch) eagerly applied by many a suffering urchin to
modern pedagogues who have resorted to the same material means of
inculcating the beauties of the classics. By this Busby of the period
Horace was grounded in Greek, and made familiar, too familiar for his
liking, with Ennius, Naevius, Pacuvius, Attius, Livius Andronicus, and
other early Latin writers, whose unpruned vigour was distasteful to one
who had already begun to appreciate the purer and not less vigorous
style of Homer and other Greek authors. Horace's father took care that
he should acquire all the accomplishments of a Roman gentleman, in
which music and rhetoric were, as a matter of course, included. But,
what was of still more importance during this critical period of the
future poet's first introduction to the seductions of the capital, he
enjoyed the advantages of his father's personal superintendence and
of a careful moral training. His father went with him to all his classes,
and, being himself a man of shrewd observation and natural humour,
he gave the boy's studies a practical bearing by directing his attention
to the follies and vices of the luxurious and dissolute society around
him, showing him how incompatible they were with the dictates of
reason and common-sense, and how disastrous in their consequences to
the good name and happiness of those who yielded to their seductions.
The method he pursued is thus described by Horace (Satires, I. 4):--

"Should then my humorous vein run wild, some latitude allow.
I learned the habit from the best of fathers, who employed
Some living type to stamp the vice he wished me to avoid.
Thus temperate and frugal when exhorting me to be,
And with the competence content which he had stored for me,
'Look, boy!' he'd say,' at Albius' son--observe his sorry plight!
And Barrus, that poor beggar there! Say, are not these a sight,
To warn a man from squandering his patrimonial means?'
When counselling me to keep from vile amours with common queans;
'Sectanus, ape him not!' he'd say; or, urging to forswear
Intrigue with matrons, when I might taste lawful joys elsewhere;
'Trebonius' fame is blurred since he was in the manner caught.
The reasons why this should be shunned, and why that should be
sought,
The sages will explain; enough for me, if I uphold
The faith and morals handed down from our good sires of old,
And, while you need a guardian, keep your life pure and your name.
When years have hardened, as they will, your judgment and your
frame,
You'll swim without a float!' And so, with talk like this, he won
And moulded me, while yet a boy. Was something to be done,
Hard it might be--'For this,' he'd say, 'good warrant you can
quote'--
And then as model pointed to some public man of note.
Or was there something to be shunned, then he would urge, 'Can you
One moment doubt that acts like these are base and futile too,
Which have to him and him such dire disgrace and trouble bred?'
And as a neighbour's death appals the sick, and, by the dread
Of dying, forces them to put upon their lusts restraint,
So tender minds are oft deterred from vices by the taint
They see them bring on others' names; 'tis thus that I from those
Am all exempt, which bring with them a train of shames and woes."

Nor did Horace only inherit from his father, as he here says, the
kindly humour and practical good sense which distinguish his satirical
and didactic writings, and that manly independence which he preserved
through the temptations of a difficult career. Many of "the rugged
maxims hewn from life" with which his works abound are manifestly but
echoes of what the poet had heard from his father's lips. Like his own
Ofellus, and the elders of the race--not, let us hope, altogether
bygone--of peasant-farmers in Scotland, described by Wordsworth as
"Religious men, who give to God and men their dues,"--the Apulian
freedman had a fund of homely wisdom at command, not gathered from
books, but instinct with the freshness and force of direct observation
and personal conviction. The following exquisite tribute by Horace to
his worth is conclusive evidence how often and how deeply he had
occasion to be grateful, not only for the affectionate care of this
admirable father, but also for the bias and strength which that
father's character had given to his own. It has a further interest, as
occurring in a poem addressed to Maecenas, a man of ancient family and
vast wealth, in the early days of that acquaintance with the poet
which was afterwards to ripen into a lifelong friendship.

"Yet if some trivial faults, and these but few,
My nature, else not much amiss, imbue
(Just as you wish away, yet scarcely blame,
A mole or two upon a comely frame),
If no man may arraign me of the vice
Of lewdness, meanness, nor of avarice;
If pure and innocent I live, and dear
To those I love (self-praise is venial here),
All this I owe my father, who, though poor,
Lord of some few lean acres, and no more,
Was loath to send me to the village school,
Whereto the sons of men of mark and rule,--
Centurions, and the like,--were wont to swarm,
With slate and satchel on sinister arm,
And the poor dole of scanty pence to pay
The starveling teacher on the quarter-day;
But boldly took me, when a boy, to Rome,
There to be taught all arts that grace the home
Of knight and senator. To see my dress,
And slaves attending, you'd have thought, no less
Than patrimonial fortunes old and great
Had furnished forth the charges of my state.
When with my tutors, he would still be by,
Nor ever let me wander from his eye;
And, in a word, he kept me chaste (and this
Is virtue's crown) from all that was amiss,
Nor such in act alone, but in repute,
Till even scandal's tattling voice was mute.
No dread had he that men might taunt or jeer,
Should I, some future day, as auctioneer,
Or, like himself, as tax-collector, seek
With petty fees my humble means to eke.
Nor should I then have murmured. Now I know,
More earnest thanks, and loftier praise I owe.
Reason must fail me, ere I cease to own
With pride, that I have such a father known;
Nor shall I stoop my birth to vindicate,
By charging, like the herd, the wrong on Fate,
That I was not of noble lineage sprung:
Far other creed inspires my heart and tongue.
For now should Nature bid all living men
Retrace their years, and live them o'er again,
Each culling, as his inclination bent,
His parents for himself, with mine content,
I would not choose whom men endow as great
With the insignia and seats of state;
And, though I seemed insane to vulgar eyes,
Thou wouldst perchance esteem me truly wise,
In thus refusing to assume the care
Of irksome state I was unused to bear."

The education, of which Horace's father had laid the foundation at
Rome, would not have been complete without a course of study at
Athens, then the capital of literature and philosophy, as Rome was of
political power. Thither Horace went somewhere between the age of 17
and 20. "At Rome," he says (Epistles, II. ii. 23),

"I had my schooling, and was taught
Achilles' wrath, and all the woes it brought;
At classic Athens, where I went ere long,
I learned to draw the line 'twixt right and wrong,
And search for truth, if so she might be seen,
In Academic groves of blissful green." (C.)

At Athens he found many young men of the leading Roman families--
Bibulus, Messalla, Corvinus, the younger Cicero, and others--engaged
in the same pursuits with himself, and he contracted among them many
enduring friendships. In the political lull which ensued between the
battle of Pharsalia (B.C. 48) and the death of Julius Caesar (B.C.
44), he was enabled to devote himself without interruption to the
studies which had drawn him to that home of literature and the arts.
But these were destined before long to be rudely broken. The tidings
of that startling event had been hailed with delight by the youthful
spirits, some of whom saw in the downfall of the great Dictator the
dawn of a new era of liberty, while others hoped from it the return to
power of the aristocratic party to which they belonged. In this mood
Brutus found them when he arrived in Athens along with Cassius, on
their way to take command of the Eastern provinces which had been
assigned to them by the Senate. Cassius hurried on to his post in
Syria, but Brutus lingered behind, ostensibly absorbed in the
philosophical studies of the schools, but at the same time recruiting
a staff of officers for his army from among the young Romans of wealth
and family whom it was important he should attach to his party, and
who were all eagerness to make his cause their own. Horace, infected
by the general enthusiasm, joined his standard; and, though then only
twenty-two, without experience, and with no special aptitude, physical
or mental, for a military life, he was intrusted by Brutus with the
command of a legion. There is no reason to suppose that he owed a
command of such importance to any dearth of men of good family
qualified to act as officers. It is, therefore, only reasonable to
conclude, that even at this early period he was recognised in the
brilliant society around him as a man of mark; and that Brutus, before
selecting him, had thoroughly satisfied himself that he possessed
qualities which justified so great a deviation from ordinary rules, as
the commission of so responsible a charge to a freedman's son. That
Horace gave his commander satisfaction we know from himself. The line
(Epistles, I. xx. 23), "_Me primis urbis belli placuisse
domique_,"--

"At home, as in the field, I made my way,
And kept it, with the first men of the day,"--

can be read in no other sense. But while Horace had, beyond all doubt,
made himself a strong party of friends who could appreciate his genius
and attractive qualities, his appointment as military tribune excited
jealousy among some of his brother officers, who considered that the
command of a Roman legion should have been reserved for men of nobler
blood--a jealousy at which he said, with his usual modesty, many years
afterwards (Satires, I. vi. 45), he had no reason either to be
surprised or to complain.

In B.C. 43, Brutus, with his army, passed from Macedonia to join
Cassius in Asia Minor, and Horace took his part in their subsequent
active and brilliant campaign there. Of this we get some slight
incidental glimpses in his works. Thus, for example (Odes, II. 7), we
find him reminding his comrade, Pompeius Varus, how

"Full oft they sped the lingering day
Quaffing bright wine, as in our tents we lay,
With Syrian spikenard on our glistening hair."

The Syrian spikenard, _Malobathrum Syrium_, fixes the locality.
Again, in the epistle to his friend Bullatius (Epistles, I. 11), who
is making a tour in Asia, Horace speaks of several places as if from
vivid recollection. In his usual dramatic manner, he makes Bullatius
answer his inquiries as to how he likes the places he has seen:--

"_You know what Lebedos is like_; so bare,
With Gabii or Fidenae 'twould compare;
Yet there, methinks, I would accept my lot,
My friends forgetting, by my friends forgot,
Stand on the cliff at distance, and survey
The stormy sea-god's wild Titanic play." (C.)

Horace himself had manifestly watched the angry surges from the cliffs
of Lebedos. But a more interesting record of the Asiatic campaign,
inasmuch as it is probably the earliest specimen of Horace's writing
which we have, occurs in the Seventh Satire of the First Book.
Persius, a rich trader of Clazomene, has a lawsuit with Rupilius, one
of Brutus's officers, who went by the nickname of "King." Brutus, in
his character of quaestor, has to decide the dispute, which in the
hands of the principals degenerates, as disputes so conducted
generally do, into a personal squabble. Persius leads off with some
oriental flattery of the general and his suite. Brutus is "Asia's
sun," and they the "propitious stars," all but Rupilius, who was

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