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The Naval War of 1812

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I have relied chiefly on Captain Stewart's narratives; but partly
(as to time, etc.) on the British account in the "Naval Chronicle."]

The merits of this action can perhaps be better appreciated by comparing
it with a similar one that took place a few years before between a
British sloop and corvette on the one side, and a French frigate on
the other, and which is given in full by both James and Troude. Although
these authors differ somewhat in the account of it, both agree that
the Frenchman, the _Nereide_, of 44 guns, on Feb. 14, 1810, fought
a long and indecisive battle with the _Rainbow_ of 26 and _Avon_ of
18 guns, the British sloops being fought separately, in succession.
The relative force was almost exactly as in the _Constitution's_
fight. Each side claimed that the other fled. But this much is sure:
the _Constitution_ engaging the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ together, captured
both; while the _Nereide_, engaging the _Rainbow_ and _Avon_ separately,
captured neither.

The three ships now proceeded to the Cape de Verds, and on March 10th
anchored in the harbor of Porto Praya, Island of San Jago. Here a
merchant-brig was taken as a cartel, and a hundred of the prisoners
were landed to help fit her for sea. The next day the weather was
thick and foggy, with fresh breezes. [Footnote: Log of _Constitution_,
March 11, 1815.] The first and second lieutenants, with a good part
of the people, were aboard the two prizes. At five minutes past twelve,
while Mr. Shubrick, the senior remaining lieutenant, was on the
quarter-deck, the canvas of a large vessel suddenly loomed up through
the haze, her hull being completely hidden by the fog-bank. Her
character could not be made out; but she was sailing close-hauled,
and evidently making for the roads. Mr. Shubrick at once went down
and reported the stranger to Captain Stewart, when that officer coolly
remarked that it was probably a British frigate or an Indiaman, and
directed the lieutenant to return on deck, call all hands, and get
ready to go out and attack her. [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 459.] At that
moment the canvas of two other ships was discovered rising out of
the fog astern of the vessel first seen. It was now evident that
all three were heavy frigates. [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant Hoffman,
April 10, 1815.] In fact, they were the _Newcastle_, 50, Captain
Lord George Stewart; _Leander_, 50, Captain Sir Ralph Collier, K.C.B.,
and _Acasta, 40, Captain Robert Kerr, standing into Porto Praya,
close-hauled on the starboard tack, the wind being light northeast
by north. [Footnote: Marshall's "Naval Biography," ii, 535.] Captain
Stewart at once saw that his opponents were far too heavy for a fair
fight, and, knowing that the neutrality of the port would not be
the slightest protection to him, he at once signalled to the prizes
to follow, cut his cable, and, in less than ten minutes from the
time the first frigate was seen, was standing out of the roads, followed
by Hoffmann and Ballard. Certainly a more satisfactory proof of the
excellent training of both officers and men could hardly be given
than the rapidity, skill, and perfect order with which every thing
was done. Any indecision on the part of the officers or bungling
on the part of the men would have lost every thing. The prisoners
on shore had manned a battery and delivered a furious but ill-directed
fire at their retreating conquerors. The frigate, sloop, and corvette,
stood out of the harbor in the order indicated, on the port tack,
passing close under the east point, and a gunshot to windward of
the British squadron, according to the American, or about a league,
according to the British, accounts. The Americans made out the force
of the strangers correctly, and their own force was equally clearly
discerned by the _Acasta_; but both the _Newcastle_ and _Leander_
mistook the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ for frigates, a mistake similar
to that once made by Commodore Rodgers. The _Constitution_ now crossed
her top-gallant yards and set the foresail, main-sail, spanker, flying
jib, and top-gallant sails; and the British ships, tacking, made
all sail in pursuit. The _Newcastle_ was on the _Constitution's_
lee quarter and directly ahead of the _Leander_, while the _Acasta_
was on the weather-quarter of the _Newcastle_. All six ships were
on the port tack. The _Constitution_ cut adrift the boats towing
astern, and her log notes that at 12.50 she found she was sailing
about as fast as the ships on her lee quarter, but that the _Acasta_
was luffing into her wake and dropping astern. The log of the _Acasta_
says, "We had gained on the sloops, but the frigate had gained on
us." At 1.10 the _Cyane_ had fallen so far astern and to leeward
that Captain Stewart signalled to Lieutenant Hoffman to tack, lest
he should be cut off if he did not. Accordingly the lieutenant put
about and ran off toward the northwest, no notice being taken of
him by the enemy beyond an ineffectual broadside from the sternmost
frigate. At 2.35 he was out of sight of all the ships and shaped
his course for America, which he reached on April 10th. [Footnote:
Letter of Lieutenant Hoffman, April 10, 1815.] At 1.45 the _Newcastle_
opened on the _Constitution_ firing by divisions, but the shot all
fell short, according to the American statements, about 200 yards,
while the British accounts (as given in Marshall's "Naval Biography")
make the distance much greater; at any rate the vessels were so near
that from the _Constitution_ the officers of the _Newcastle_ could
be seen standing on the hammock nettings. But, very strangely, both
the 50-gun ships apparently still mistook the _Levant_, though a
low, flush-decked sloop like the _Hornet_, for the "_President_,
_Congress_, or _Macedonian_," Captain Collier believing that the
_Constitution_ had sailed with two other frigates in company. [Footnote:
Marshal, ii, 533. ] By three o'clock the _Levant_ had lagged so as
to be in the same position from which the _Cyane_ had just been rescued;
accordingly Captain Stewart signalled to her to tack, which she did,
and immediately afterward all three British ships tacked in pursuit.
Before they did so, it must be remembered the _Acasta_ had weathered
on the _Constitution_, though left considerably astern, while the
_Newcastle_ and _Leander_ had about kept their positions on her lee
or starboard quarter; so that if any ship had been detached after
the _Levant_ it should have been the _Leander_, which had least chance
of overtaking the American frigate. The latter was by no means as
heavily armed as either of the two 50's, and but little heavier than
the _Acasta_; moreover, she was shorthanded, having manned her two
prizes. The _Acasta_, at any rate, had made out the force of the
_Levant_, and, even had she been a frigate, it was certainly carrying
prudence to an extreme to make more than one ship tack after her.
Had the _Newcastle_ and _Acasta_ kept on after the _Constitution_
there was a fair chance of overtaking her, for the _Acasta_ had
weathered on her, and the chase could not bear up for fear of being
cut off by the _Newcastle_. At any rate the pursuit should not have
been given up so early. Marshall says there was a mistake in the
signalling. The British captains certainly bungled the affair; even
James says (p. 558): "It is the most blundering piece of business
recorded in these six volumes." As for Stewart and his men, they
deserve the highest credit for the cool judgment and prompt, skilful
seamanship they had displayed. The _Constitution_, having shaken
off her pursuers, sailed to Maranham, where she landed her prisoners.
At Porto Rico she learned of the peace, and forthwith made sail for
New York, reaching it about the middle of May.

As soon as he saw Captain Stewart's signal, Lieutenant Ballard had
tacked, and at once made for the anchorage at Porto Prayo, which he
reached, though pursued by all his foes, and anchored within 150
yards of a heavy battery. [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant Ballard.
May 2, 1815.] The wisdom of Captain Stewart's course in not trusting
to the neutrality of the port, now became evident. The _Acasta_ opened
upon the sloop as soon as the latter had anchored, at 4.30. [Footnote:
_Newcastle's_ log, as given by Marshall and James.] The _Newcastle_,
as soon as she arrived, also opened, and so did the _Leander_, while
the British prisoners on shore fired the guns of the battery. Having
borne this combined cannonade for 15 minutes, [Footnote: Ballard's
letter.] the colors of the _Levant_ were hauled down. The unskilful
firing of the British ships certainly did not redeem the blunders
previously made by Sir George Collier, for the three heavy frigates
during 15 minutes' broadside practice in smooth water against a
stationary and unresisting foe, did her but little damage, and did
not kill a man. The chief effect of the fire was to damage the houses
of the Portuguese town. [Footnote: James, vi, 551. ]

After the capture of the _President_, the _Peacock_, Captain Warrington,
the _Hornet_, Captain Biddle, and _Tom Bowline_, brig, still remained
in New York harbor. On the 22d of January a strong northwesterly
gale began to blow, and the American vessels, according to their
custom, at once prepared to take advantage of the heavy weather and
run by the blockaders. They passed the bar by daylight, under storm
canvas, the British frigates lying to in the southeast being plainly
visible. They were ignorant of the fate of the _President_, and
proceeded toward Tristan d'Acunha, which was the appointed rendezvous.
A few days out the _Hornet_ parted company from the two others; these
last reached Tristan d'Acunha about March 18th, but were driven off
again by a gale. The _Hornet_ reached the island on the 23d, and
at half-past ten in the morning, the wind being fresh S.S.W., when
about to anchor off the north point, a sail was made in the southeast,
steering west. [Footnote: Letter from Captain Biddle to Commodore
Decatur, Mar. 25, 1815.] This was the British brig-sloop _Penguin_,
Captain James Dickenson. She was a new vessel, having left port for
the first time in September, 1814. While at the Cape of Good Hope
she had received from Vice-Admiral Tyler 12 marines from the _Medway_,
74, increasing her complement to 132; and was then despatched on
special service against a heavy American privateer, the _Young Wasp_,
which had been causing great havoc among the homeward-bound Indiamen.

[Illustration: Master Commandant James Biddle: a contemporary portrait
by Jacob Eichholz painted after Biddle's promotion to captain (Courtesy
U.S. Naval Academy Museum)]

[Illustration: _Hornet_ vs. _Penguin_: a lithograph published in
Liverpool, circa 1816. (Courtesy Beverley R. Robinson Collection,
U.S. Naval Academy Museum)]

[Illustration of the action between _PENGUIN_ and _HORNET_ from
1.40 to 2.02.]

When the strange sail was first seen Captain Biddle was just letting
go his top-sail sheets; he at once sheeted them home, and the stranger
being almost instantly shut out by the land, made all sail to the
west, and again caught sight of her. Captain Dickenson now, for the
first time, saw the American sloop, and at once bore up for her. The
position of the two vessels was exactly the reverse of the _Wasp_
and _Frolic_, the Englishman being to windward. The _Hornet_ hove
to, to let her antagonist close; then she filled her maintop-sail
and continued to yaw, wearing occasionally to prevent herself from
being raked. At forty minutes past one the _Penguin_, being within
musket-shot, hauled to the wind on the starboard tack, hoisted a
St. George's ensign and fired a gun. The _Hornet_ luffed up on the
same tack, hoisting American colors, and the action began with heavy
broadsides. The vessels ran along thus for 15 minutes, gradually
coming closer together, and Captain Dickenson put his helm aweather,
to run his adversary aboard. At this moment the brave young officer
received a mortal wound, and the command devolved on the first
lieutenant, Mr. McDonald, who endeavored very gallantly to carry
out his commander's intention, and at 1.56 the _Penguin's_ bowsprit
came in between the _Hornet's_ main- and mizzen-rigging on the
starboard side. The American seamen had been called away, and were
at their posts to repel boarders, but as the British made no attempt
to come on, the cutlass men began to clamber into the rigging to go
aboard the brig. Captain Biddle very coolly stopped them, "it being
evident from the beginning that our fire was greatly superior both
in quickness and effect." There was a heavy sea running, and as the
_Hornet_ forged ahead, the _Penguin's_ bowsprit carried away her
mizzen shrouds, stern davits, and spanker boom; and the brig then
hung on her starboard quarter, where only small arms could be used
on either side. An English officer now called out something which
Biddle understood, whether correctly or not is disputed, to be the
word of surrender; accordingly he directed his marines to cease firing,
and jumped on the taffrail. At that minute two of the marines on
the _Penguin's_ forecastle, not 30 feet distant, fired at him, one
of the balls inflicting a rather severe wound in his neck. A discharge
of musketry from the _Hornet_ at once killed both the marines, and
at that moment the ship drew ahead. As the vessels separated the
_Penguin's_ foremast went overboard, the bowsprit breaking short
off. The _Hornet_ at once wore, to present a fresh broadside, while
the _Penguin's_ disabled condition prevented her following suit,
and having lost a third of her men killed and wounded (14 of the
former and 28 of the latter), her hull being riddled through and
through, her foremast gone, main-mast tottering, and most of the
guns on the engaged side dismounted, she struck her colors at two
minutes past two, twenty-two minutes after the first gun was fired.
Of the _Hornet's_ 150 men, 8 were absent in a prize. By actual
measurement she was two feet longer and slightly narrower than her
antagonist. Her loss was chiefly caused by musketry, amounting to
1 marine killed, 1 seaman mortally, Lieutenant Conner very severely,
and Captain Biddle and seven seamen slightly, wounded. Not a round
shot struck the hull, nor was a mast or spar materially injured,
but the rigging and sails were a good deal cut, especially about
the fore and main top-gallant masts. The _Hornet's_ crew had been
suffering much from sickness, and 9 of the men were unable to be at
quarters, thus reducing the vessels to an exact equality. Counting
in these men, and excluding the 8 absent in a prize, we get as

COMPARATIVE FORCE.
No. Weight
Tonnage. Guns. Metal. Crew. Loss.
_Hornet_ 480 10 279 142[1] 11
_Penguin_ 477 10 274 132 42

[Footnote 1: This number of men is probably too great; I have not
personally examined the _Hornet's_ muster-roll for that period.
Lieutenant Emmons in his "History," gives her 132 men; but perhaps
he did not include the nine sick, which would make his statement
about the same as mine. In response to my inquiries, I received a
very kind letter from the Treasury Department (Fourth Auditor's
office), which stated that the muster-roll of the _Hornet_ on this
voyage showed "101 officers and crew (marines excepted)." Adding
the 20 marines would make but 121 in all. I think there must be
some mistake in this, and so have considered the _Hornet's_ crew
as consisting originally of 150 men, the same as on her cruises
in 1812.

The _Penguin_ was in reality slightly larger than the _Hornet_,
judging from the comparisons made in Biddle's letter (for the original
of which see in the Naval Archives, "Captains' Letters," vol. 42, No.
112). He says that the _Penguin_, though two feet shorter on deck
than the _Hornet_, had a greater length of keel, a slightly greater
breadth of beam, stouter sides, and higher bulwarks, with swivels
on the capstan and tops, and that she fought both her "long 12's"
on the same side. I have followed James, however, as regards this;
he says her long guns were 6-pounders, and that but one was fought
on a side.]

Or, the force being practically equal, the _Hornet_ inflicted fourfold
the loss and tenfold the damage she suffered. Hardly any action of
the war reflected greater credit on the United States marine than
this; for the cool, skilful seamanship and excellent gunnery that
enabled the Americans to destroy an antagonist of equal force in
such an exceedingly short time. The British displayed equal bravery,
but were certainly very much behind their antagonists in the other
qualities which go to make up a first-rate man-of-warsman. Even James
says he "cannot offer the trifling disparity of force in this action
as an excuse for the _Penguin's_ capture. The chief cause is * * *
the immense disparity between the two vessels in * * * the effectiveness
of their crews." [Footnote: After the action but one official account,
that of Captain Biddle, was published; none of the letters of the
defeated British commanders were published after 1813. As regards
this action, every British writer has followed James, who begins
his account thus: "Had the vessel in sight to windward been rigged
with three masts instead of two, and had she proved to be a British
cruiser, Captain Biddle would have marked her down in his log as a
'frigate,' and have made off with all the canvas he could possibly
spread. Had the ship overtaken the _Hornet_ and been in reality a
trifle superior in force, Captain Biddle, we have no doubt, would
have exhausted his eloquence in lauding the blessings of peace before
he tried a struggle for the honors of war." After this preface (which
should be read in connection with the _Hornet's_ unaccepted challenge
to the _Bonne Citoyenne_, a ship "a trifle superior in force") it
can be considered certain that James will both extenuate and also
set down a good deal in malice. One instance of this has already
been given in speaking of the _President's_ capture. Again, he says,
"the _Hornet_ received several round shot in her hull," which she
did--a month after this action, from the _Cornwallis_, 74; James
knew perfectly well that not one of the _Penguin's_ shot hit the
_Hornet's_ hull. The quotations I have given are quite enough to
prove that nothing he says about the action is worth attending to.
The funniest part of his account is where he makes Captain Biddle
get drunk, lose his "native cunning," and corroborate his (James')
statements. He does not even hint at the authority for this.]

The _Penguin_ was so cut up by shot that she had to be destroyed.
After the stores, etc., had been taken out of her, she was thoroughly
examined (Captain Biddle, from curiosity, taking her measurements
in comparison with those of the _Hornet_). Her destruction was
hastened on account of a strange sail heaving in sight; but the latter
proved to be the _Peacock_, with the _Tom Bowline_ in company. The
latter was now turned to account by being sent in to Rio de Janeiro
as a cartel with the prisoners. The _Peacock_ and _Hornet_ remained
about the island till April 13th, and then, giving up all hopes of
seeing the _President_, and rightly supposing she had been captured,
started out for the East Indies. On the 27th of the month, in lat.
38°30' S. and long. 33° E.,[Footnote: Letter of Captain Biddle, June
10th, and extracts from her log.] the _Peacock_ signalled a stranger
in the S.E., and both sloops crowded sail in chase. The next morning
they came down with the wind aft from the northwest, the studding-sails
set on both sides. The new 22-gun sloops were not only better
war-vessels, but faster ones too, than any other ships of their rate;
and the _Peacock_ by afternoon was two leagues ahead of the _Hornet_,
At 2 P.M. the former was observed to manifest some hesitation about
approaching the stranger, which instead of avoiding had rather hauled
up toward them. All on board the _Hornet_ thought her an Indiaman,
and "the men began to wonder what they would do with the silks,"
when, a few minutes before four, the _Peacock_ signalled that it
was a line-of-battle ship, which reversed the parts with a vengeance.
Warrington's swift ship was soon out of danger, while Biddle hauled
close to the wind on the port tack, with the _Cornwallis_, 74, bearing
the flag of Admiral Sir George Burleton, K.C.B., [Footnote: James,
vi, 564.] in hot pursuit, two leagues on his lee quarter. The 74
gained rapidly on the _Hornet_, although she stopped to pick up a
marine who had fallen overboard. Finding he had to deal with a most
weatherly craft, as well as a swift sailer, Captain Biddle, at 9 P.M.,
began to lighten the _Hornet_ of the mass of stores taken from the
_Penguin_. The _Cornwallis_ gained still, however, and at 2 A.M. on
the 29th was ahead of the _Hornet's_ lee or starboard beam, when the
sloop put about and ran off toward the west. Daylight showed the
74 still astern and to leeward, but having gained so much as to be
within gunshot, and shortly afterward she opened fire, her shot
passing over the Hornet. The latter had recourse anew to the lightening
process. She had already hove overboard the sheet-anchor, several
heavy spare spars, and a large quantity of shot and ballast; the
remaining anchors and cables, more shot, six guns, and the launch
now followed suit, and, thus relieved, the _Hornet_ passed temporarily
out of danger; but the breeze shifted gradually round to the east,
and the liner came looming up till at noon she was within a mile,
a shorter range than that at which the _United States_ crippled and
cut up the _Macedonian_; and had the _Cornwallis'_ fire been half
as well aimed as that of the _States_, it would have been the last
of the _Hornet_. But the 74's guns were very unskilfully served,
and the shot passed for the most part away over the chase, but three
getting home. Captain Biddle and his crew had no hope of ultimate
escape, but no one thought of giving up. All the remaining spare
spars and boats, all the guns but one, the shot, and in fact every
thing that could be got at, below or on deck, was thrown overboard.
This increased the way of the _Hornet_, while the _Cornwallis_ lost
ground by hauling off to give broadsides, which were as ineffectual
as the fire from the chase-guns had been. The _Hornet_ now had gained
a little, and managed to hold her own, and shortly afterward the
pluck and skill of her crew [Footnote: It is perhaps worth noting
that the accounts incidentally mention the fact that almost the entire
crew consisted of native Americans, of whom _quite a number had served
as impressed seamen on board British war-ships_. James multiplies
these threefold and sets them down as British.] were rewarded. The
shift in the wind had been very much against them, but now it veered
back again so as to bring them to windward; and every minute, as it
blew fresher and fresher, their chances increased. By dark the
_Cornwallis_ was well astern, and during the night the wind kept
freshening, blowing in squalls, which just suited the _Hornet_, and
when day broke the liner was hull down astern. Then, on the morning
of the 30th, after nearly 48 hours' chase, she abandoned the pursuit.
The _Hornet_ was now of course no use as a cruiser, and made sail
for New York, which she reached on June 9th. This chase requires
almost the same comments as the last chase of the _Constitution_.
In both cases the American captains and their crews deserve the very
highest praise for plucky, skilful seamanship; but exactly as Stewart's
coolness and promptitude might not have saved the _Constitution_
had it not been for the blunders made by his antagonists, so the
_Hornet_ would have assuredly been taken, in spite of Biddle's
stubbornness and resource, if the _Cornwallis_ had not shown such
unskilful gunnery, which was all the more discreditable since she
carried an admiral's flag.

The _Peacock_ was thus the only one left of the squadron originally
prepared for the East Indies; however, she kept on, went round the
Cape of Good Hope, and cruised across the Indian Ocean, capturing
4 great Indiamen, very valuable prizes, manned by 291 men. Then she
entered the Straits of Sunda, and on the 30th of June, off the fort
of Anjier fell in with the East India Company's cruiser _Nautilus_,
Lieut. Boyce, a brig of 180 (American measurement over 200) tons,
with a crew of 80 men, and 14 guns, 4 long 9's and ten 18-pound
carronades. [Footnote: "History of the Indian Navy," by Charles
Rathbone Low (late lieutenant of the Indian Navy), London, 1877,
p. 285.] Captain Warrington did not know of the peace; one of the
boats of the _Nautilus_, however, with her purser, Mr. Bartlett,
boarded him. Captain Warrington declares the latter made no mention
of the peace, while Mr. Bartlett swears that he did before he was
sent below. As the _Peacock_ approached, Lieut. Boyce hailed to ask
if she knew peace had been declared. Captain Warrington, according
to his letter, regarded this as a ruse to enable the brig to escape
under the guns of the fort, and commanded the lieutenant to haul
down his colors, which the latter refused to do, and very gallantly
prepared for a struggle with a foe of more than twice his strength.
According to Captain Warrington, one, or, by the deposition of Mr.
Bartlett, [Footnote: As quoted by Low.] two broadsides were then
interchanged, and the brig surrendered, having lost 7 men, including
her first lieutenant, killed and mortally wounded, and 8 severely
or slightly wounded. Two of her guns and the sheet-anchor were disabled,
the bends on the starboard side completely shivered from aft to the
forechains, the bulwarks from the chess-tree aft much torn, and the
rigging cut to pieces. [Footnote: Letter of Lieut. Boyce to Company's
Marine Board, as quoted by Low.] The _Peacock_ did not suffer the
slightest loss or damage. Regarding the affair purely as a conflict
between vessels of nations at war with each other, the criticism
made by Lord Howard Douglass on the action between the _President_
and _Little Belt_ applies here perfectly. "If a vessel meet an enemy
of even greatly superior force, it is due to the honor of her flag
to try the effect of a few rounds; but unless in this gallant attempt
she leave marks of her skill upon the larger body, while she, the
smaller body, is hit at every discharge, she does but salute her
enemy's triumph and discredit her own gunnery." [Footnote: "Naval
Gunnery," p. 3.] There could not have been a more satisfactory
exhibition of skill than that given by Captain Warrington; but I
regret to say that it is difficult to believe he acted with proper
humanity. It seems impossible that Mr. Bartlett did not mention that
peace had been signed; and when the opposing force was so much less
than his own it would have been safe at least to defer the order
"haul down your flag" for a short time, while he could have kept
the brig within half pistol-shot, until he could have inquired into
the truth of the report. Throughout this work I have wherever possible
avoided all references to the various accusations and recriminations
of some of the captains about "unfairness," "cruelty," etc., as in
most cases it is impossible to get at the truth, the accounts flatly
contradicting one another. In this case, however, there certainly
seems some ground for the rather fervent denunciations of Captain
Warrington indulged in by Lieut. Low. But it is well to remember that
a very similar affair, with the parties reversed, had taken place
but a few months before on the coast of America. This was on Feb.
22d, after the boats of the _Erebus_, 20, and _Primrose_, 18, under
Captains Bartholomew and Phillot, had been beaten off with a loss
of 30 men (including both captains wounded), in an expedition up
St. Mary's River, Ga. The two captains and their vessels then joined
Admiral Cockburn at Cumberland Island, and on the 25th of February
were informed officially of the existence of peace. Three weeks
afterward the American gunboat, No. 168, Mr. Hurlburt, sailed from
Tybee Bar, Ga., bearing despatches for the British admiral. [Footnote:
Letter from Com. Campbell to Sec. of Navy, Mar. 29, 1815. including
one from Sailing-master John H. Hurlburt of Mar. 18, 1815, preserved
in the Naval Archives, in vol. 43, No. 125, of "Captains' Letters."
See also "Niles' Register," viii, 104, 118, etc.] On the same day
in the afternoon she fell in with the _Erebus_, Captain Bartholomew.
Peace having been declared, and having been known to exist for over
three weeks, no effort was made to avoid the British vessel; but
when the gunboat neared the latter she was suddenly hailed and told
to heave to. Mr. Hurlburt answered that he had dispatches for Admiral
Cockburn, to which Captain Bartholomew responded, with many oaths,
that he did not care, he would sink her if she did not send a boat
aboard. When Mr. Hurlburt attempted to answer some muskets were
discharged at him, and he was told to strike. He refused, and the
_Erebus_ immediately opened fire from her great guns; the gunboat
had gotten so far round that her pivot-gun would not bear properly,
but it was discharged across the bows of the _Erebus_, and then Mr.
Hurlburt struck his colors. Although he had lain right under the
foe's broadside, he had suffered no loss or damage except a few ropes
cut, and some shot-holes in the sails. Afterward Captain Bartholomew
apologized, and let the gunboat proceed.

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