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The Naval War of 1812

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Where two ships of similar armament fought one another, it is easy
to get the comparative force by simply comparing the weight in
broadsides, each side presenting very nearly the same proportion
of long guns to carronades. For such a broadside we take half the
guns mounted in the ordinary way; and all guns mounted on pivots
or shifting. Thus Perry's force in guns was 54 to Barclay's 63;
yet each presented 34 in broadside. Again, each of the British
brig-sloops mounted 19 guns, presenting 10 in broadside. Besides
these, some ships mounted bow-chasers run through the bridle-ports,
or stern-chasers, neither of which could be used in broadsides.
Nevertheless, I include them, both because it works in about an
equal number of cases against each navy, and because they were
sometimes terribly effective. James excludes the _Guerrière's_
bow-chaser; in reality he ought to have included both it and its
fellow, as they worked more damage than all the broadside guns
put together. Again, he excludes the _Endymion's_ bow-chasers,
though in her action they proved invaluable. Yet he includes those
of the _Enterprise_ and _Argus_, though the former's were probably
not fired. So I shall take the half of the fixed, plus all the
movable guns aboard, in comparing broadside force.

But the chief difficulty appears when guns of one style are
matched against those of another. If a ship armed with long 12's,
meets one armed with 32-pound carronades, which is superior in
force? At long range the first, and at short range the second; and
of course each captain is pretty sure to insist that "circumstances"
forced him to fight at a disadvantage. The result would depend
largely on the skill or luck of each commander in choosing position.

One thing is certain; long guns are more formidable than carronades
of the same calibre. There are exemplifications of this rule on
both sides; of course, American writers, as a rule, only pay
attention to one set of cases, and British to the others. The _Cyane_
and _Levant_ threw a heavier broadside than the _Constitution_ but
were certainly less formidably armed; and the _Essex_ threw a heavier
broadside than the _Phoebe_, yet was also less formidable. On Lake
Ontario the American ship _General Pike_ threw less metal at a
broadside than either of her two chief antagonists, but neither
could be called her equal; while on Lake Champlain a parallel case
is afforded by the British ship _Confiance_. Supposing that two
ships throw the same broadside weight of metal, one from long guns,
the other from carronades, at short range they are equal; at long,
one has it all her own way. Her captain thus certainly has a great
superiority of force, and if he does not take advantage of it it
is owing to his adversary's skill or his own mismanagement. As a
mere approximation, it may be assumed, in comparing the broadsides
of two vessels or squadrons, that long guns count for at least
twice as much as carronades of the same calibre. Thus on Lake
Champlain Captain Downie possessed an immense advantage in his
long guns, which Commodore Macdonough's exceedingly good arrangements
nullified. Sometimes part of the advantage may be willingly foregone,
so as to acquire some other. Had the _Constitution_ kept at long
bowls with the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ she could have probably captured
one without any loss to herself, while the other would have escaped;
she preferred to run down close so as to insure the capture of both,
knowing that even at close quarters long guns are somewhat better
than short ones (not to mention her other advantages in thick
scantling, speed, etc.). The British carronades often upset in
action; this was either owing to their having been insufficiently
secured, and to this remaining undiscovered because the men were
not exercised at the guns, or else it was because the unpractised
sailors would greatly overcharge them. Our better-trained sailors
on the ocean rarely committed these blunders, but the less-skilled
crews on the lakes did so as often as their antagonists.

But while the Americans thus, as a rule, had heavier and better-fitted
guns, they labored under one or two disadvantages. Our foundries
were generally not as good as those of the British, and our guns,
in consequence, more likely to burst; it was an accident of this
nature which saved the British _Belvidera_; and the _General Pike_,
under Commodore Chauncy, and the new American frigate _Guerrière_
suffered in the same way; while often the muzzles of the guns would
crack. A more universal disadvantage was in the short weight of
our shot. When Captain Blakely sunk the _Avon_ he officially
reported that her four shot which came aboard weighed just 32
pounds apiece, a pound and three quarters more than his _heaviest_;
this would make his average shot about 2 1/2 pounds less, or
rather over 7 per cent. Exactly similar statements were made by
the officers of the _Constitution_ in her three engagements.
Thus when she fought the _Java_, she threw at a broadside, as
already stated, 704 pounds; the _Java_ mounted 28 long 18's, 18
32-pound carronades, 2 long 12's, and one shifting 24-pound
carronade, a broadside of 576 pounds. Yet by the actual weighing
of all the different shot on both sides it was found that the
difference in broadside force was only about 77 pounds, or the
_Constitution's_ shot were about 7 per cent, short weight. The
long 24's of the _United States_ each threw a shot but 4 1/4 pounds
heavier than the long 18's of the _Macedonian_; here again the
difference was about 7 per cent. The same difference existed in
favor of the _Penguin_ and _Epervier_ compared with the _Wasp_
and _Hornet_. Mr. Fenimore Cooper [Footnote: See "Naval History,"
i, p. 380.] weighed a great number of shot some time after the war.
The later castings, even weighed nearly 5 per cent, less than the
British shot, and some of the older ones, about 9 per cent. The
average is safe to take at 7 per cent. less, and I shall throughout
make this allowance for ocean cruisers. The deficit was sometimes
owing to windage, but more often the shot was of full size but
defective in density. The effect of this can be gathered from the
following quotation from the work of a British artillerist: "The
greater the density of shot of like calibres, projected with equal
velocity and elevation, the greater the range, accuracy, and
penetration." [Footnote: "Heavy Ordnance," Captain T. F. Simmons,
R. A., London, 1837. James supposes that the "Yankee captains"
have in each case hunted round till they could get particularly
small American shot to weigh; and also denies that short weight
is a disadvantage. The last proposition carried out logically
would lead to some rather astonishing results.] This defectiveness
in density might be a serious injury in a contest at a long
distance, but would make but little difference at close quarters
(although it may have been partly owing to their short weight
that so many of the Chesapeake's shot failed to penetrate the
_Shannon's_ hull). Thus in the actions with the _Macedonian_ and
_Java_ the American frigates showed excellent practice when the
contest was carried on within fair distance, while their first
broadsides at long range went very wild; but in the case of the
_Guerrière_, the _Constitution_ reserved her fire for close
quarters, and was probably not at all affected by the short
weight of her shot.

As to the officers and crew of a 44-gun frigate, the following was
the regular complement established by law: [Footnote: See State
Papers, vol. xiv, 159 (Washington, 1834).]

1 captain,
4 lieutenants,
2 lieutenants of marines,
2 sailing-masters,
2 master's mates,
7 midshipmen,
1 purser,
1 surgeon,
2 surgeon's mates,
1 clerk,
1 carpenter,
2 carpenter's mates,
1 boatswain,
2 boatswain's mates,
1 yeoman of gun-room,
1 gunner,
11 quarter gunners,
1 coxswain,
1 sailmaker,
1 cooper,
1 steward,
1 armorer,
1 master of arms,
1 cook,
1 chaplain.
__
50

120 able seamen,
150 ordinary seamen,
30 boys,
50 marines.
___
400 in all.

An 18-gun ship had 32 officers and petty officers, 30 able seamen,
46 ordinary seamen, 12 boys, and 20 marines--140 in all. Sometimes
ships put to sea without their full complements (as in the case of
the first _Wasp_), but more often with supernumeraries aboard.
The weapons for close quarters were pikes, cutlasses, and a few
axes; while the marines and some of the topmen had muskets, and
occasionally rifles.

In comparing the forces of the contestants I have always given
the number of men in crew; but this in most cases was unnecessary.
When there were plenty of men to handle the guns, trim the sails,
make repairs, act as marines, etc., any additional number simply
served to increase the slaughter on board. The _Guerrière_
undoubtedly suffered from being short-handed, but neither the
_Macedonian_ nor _Java_ would have been benefited by the presence
of a hundred additional men. Barclay possessed about as many men
as Perry, but this did not give him an equality of force. The
_Penguin_ and _Frolic_ would have been taken just as surely had
the _Hornet_ and _Wasp_ had a dozen men less apiece than they did.
The principal case where numbers would help would be in a
hand-to-hand fight. Thus the _Chesapeake_ having fifty more men
than the _Shannon_ ought to have been successful; but she was not,
because the superiority of her crew in numbers was more than
counterbalanced by the superiority of the _Shannon's_ crew in
other respects. The result of the battle of Lake Champlain, which
was fought at anchor, with the fleets too far apart for musketry
to reach, was not in the slightest degree affected by the number
of men on either side, as both combatants had amply enough to
manage the guns and perform every other service.

In all these conflicts the courage of both parties is taken for
granted: it was not so much a factor in gaining the victory, as
one which if lacking was fatal to all chances of success. In the
engagements between regular cruisers, not a single one was gained
by superiority in courage. The crews of both the _Argus_ and
_Epervier_ certainly flinched; but had they fought never so
bravely they were too unskilful to win. The _Chesapeake's_ crew
could hardly be said to lack courage; it was more that they were
inferior to their opponents in discipline as well as in skill.

There was but one conflict during the war where the victory could
be said to be owing to superiority in pluck. This was when the
_Neufchatel_ privateer beat off the boats of the _Endymion_. The
privateersmen suffered a heavier proportional loss than their
assailants, and they gained the victory by sheer ability to stand
punishment.

For convenience in comparing them I give in tabulated form the
force of the three British 38's taken by American 44's (allowing
for short weight of metal of latter).

CONSTITUTION. GUERRIÈRE.
30 long 24's, 30 long 18's,
2 long 24's, 2 long 12's,
22 short 32's. 16 short 32's,
___________________________ 1 short 18.
Broadside, nominal, 736 lbs. __________________
real. 684 lbs. Broadside, 556 lbs.

UNITED STATES MACEDONIAN
30 long 24's, 28 long 18's,
2 long 24's, 2 long 12's,
22 short 42's. 2 long 9's,
___________________________ 16 short 32's,
Broadside, nominal, 846 lbs. 1 short 18.
real, 786 lbs. ___________________
Broadside, 547 lbs.

CONSTITUTION JAVA
30 long 24's, 28 long 18's,
2 long 24's, 2 long 12's,
20 short 32's. 18 short 32's,
____________________________ 1 short 24.
Broadside, nominal, 704 lbs. ___________________
real. 654 lbs. Broadside. 576 lbs.

The smallest line-of-battle ship, the 74, with only long 18's on
the second deck, was armed as follows:

28 long 32's,
28 " 18's,
6 " 12's.
14 short 32's
7 " 18's

or a broadside of 1,032 lbs., 736 from long guns, 296 from
carronades; while the _Constitution_ threw (in reality) 684 lbs.,
356 from long guns, and 328 from her carronades, and the _United
States_ 102 lbs. more from her carronades. Remembering the difference
between long guns and carronades, and considering sixteen of the
74's long 18's as being replaced by 42-pound carronades [Footnote:
That this change would leave the force about as it was, can be
gathered from the fact that the _Adams_ and _John Adams_ both of
which had been armed with 42 pound carronades (which were sent to
Sackett's Harbor), had them replaced by long and medium 18 pounders,
these being considered to be formidable: so that the substitution
of 42-pound carronades would, if any thing, reduce the force of
the 74] (so as to get the metal on the ships distributed in similar
proportions between the two styles of cannon), we get as the 74's
broadside 592 lbs from long guns, and 632 from carronades. The
_United States_ threw nominally 360 and 486, and the _Constitution_
nominally 360 and 352; so the 74 was superior even to the former
nominally about as three is to two; while the _Constitution_, if
"a line-of-battle ship," was disguised to such a degree that she
was in reality of but little more than _one half_ the force of one
of the smallest _true_ liners England possessed!



Chapter III


1812

ON THE OCEAN

_Commodore Rodgers' cruise and unsuccessful chase of the_
Belvidera--_Cruise of the _Essex--_Captain Hull's cruise, and
escape from the squadron of Commodore Broke_--Constitution _captures_
Guerrière--Wasp _captures_ Frolic--_Second unsuccessful cruise of
Commodore Rodgers_--United States _captures_ Macedonian--Constitution
_captures_ Java--Essex _starts on a cruise--Summary_

At the time of the declaration of war, June 18, 1812, the American
navy was but partially prepared for effective service. The _Wasp_,
18, was still at sea, on her return voyage from France; the
_Constellation_, 38, was lying in the Chesapeake river, unable to
receive a crew for several months to come; the _Chesapeake_, 38,
was lying in a similar condition in Boston harbor; the _Adams_,
28, was at Washington, being cut down and lengthened from a frigate
into a corvette. These three cruisers were none of them fit to go
to sea till after the end of the year. The _Essex_, 32, was in
New York harbor, but, having some repairs to make, was not yet
ready to put out. The _Constitution_, 44, was at Annapolis, without
all of her stores, and engaged in shipping a new crew, the time of
the old one being up. The _Nautilus_, 14, was cruising off New
Jersey, and the other small brigs were also off the coast. The
only vessels immediately available were those under the command
of Commodore Rodgers, at New York, consisting of his own ship, the
_President_, 44, and of the _United States_, 44, Commodore Decatur,
_Congress_, 38, Captain Smith, _Hornet_, 18, Captain Lawrence,
and _Argus_, 16, Lieut. Sinclair. It seems marvellous that any
nation should have permitted its ships to be so scattered, and
many of them in such an unfit condition, at the beginning of
hostilities. The British vessels cruising off the coast were not
at that time very numerous or formidable, consisting of the
_Africa_, 64, _Acasta_, 40, _Shannon_, 38, _Guerrière_, 38,
_Belvidera_, 36, _Aeolus_, 32, _Southampton_, 32, and _Minerva_,
32, with a number of corvettes and sloops; their force was,
however, strong enough to render it impossible for Commodore
Rodgers to make any attempt on the coast towns of Canada or the
West Indies. But the homeward bound plate fleet had sailed from
Jamaica on May 20th, and was only protected by the _Thalia_, 36,
Capt. Vashon, and _Reindeer_, 18, Capt. Manners. Its capture or
destruction would have been a serious blow, and one which there
seemed a good chance of striking, as the fleet would have to pass
along the American coast, running with the Gulf Stream. Commodore
Rodgers had made every preparation, in expectation of war being
declared, and an hour after official intelligence of it, together
with his instructions, had been received, his squadron put to sea,
on June 21st, and ran off toward the south-east [Footnote: Letter
of Commodore John Rodgers to the Secretary of the Navy, Sept. 1,
1812.] to get at the Jamaica ships. Having learned from an
American brig that she had passed the plate fleet four days before
in lat. 36° N., long. 67° W., the Commodore made all sail in that
direction. At 6 A.M. on June 23d a sail was made out in the N. E.,
which proved to be the British frigate _Belvidera_, 36, Capt.
Richard Byron. [Footnote: Brenton, v. 46.] The latter had sighted
some of Commodore Rodgers' squadron some time before, and stood
toward them, till at 6.30 she made out the three largest ships to
be frigates. Having been informed of the likelihood of war by a New
York pilot boat, the _Belvidera_ now stood away, going N. E. by E.,
the wind being fresh from the west. The Americans made all sail in
chase, the _President_, a very fast ship off the wind, leading,
and the _Congress_ coming next. At noon the _President_ bore S. W.,
distant 2 3/4 miles from the _Belvidera_, Nantucket shoals bearing
100 miles N. and 48 miles E [Footnote: Log of _Belvidera_, June 23,
1812.]. The wind grew lighter, shifting more toward the south-west,
while the ships continued steadily in their course, going N.E. by E.
As the _President_ kept gaining, Captain Byron cleared his ship
for action, and shifted to the stern ports two long eighteen-pounders
on the main-deck and two thirty-two pound carronades on the
quarter-deck.

At 4:30 [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 151. According to James, vi, 117,
the _President_ was then 600 yards distant from the _Belvidera_,
half a point on her weather or port quarter.] the _President's_
starboard forecastle bowgun was fired by Commodore Rodgers himself;
the corresponding main-deck gun was next discharged, and then
Commodore Rodgers fired again. These three shots all struck the
stern of the _Belvidera_, killing and wounding nine men,--one of
them went through the rudder coat, into the after gun-room, the
other two into the captain's cabin. A few more such shots would
have rendered the _Belvidera's_ capture certain, but when the
_President's_ main-deck gun was discharged for the second time it
burst, blowing up the forecastle deck and killing and wounding 16
men, among them the Commodore himself, whose leg was broken. This
saved the British frigate. Such an explosion always causes a half
panic, every gun being at once suspected. In the midst of the
confusion Captain Byron's stern-chasers opened with spirit and
effect, killing or wounding six men more. Had the _President_ still
pushed steadily on, only using her bow-chasers until she closed
abreast, which she could probably have done, the _Belvidera_ could
still have been taken; but, instead, the former now bore up and
fired her port broadside, cutting her antagonist's rigging slightly,
but doing no other damage, while the _Belvidera_ kept up a brisk
and galling fire, although the long bolts, breeching-hooks, and
breechings of the guns now broke continually, wounding several of
the men, including Captain Byron. The _President_ had lost ground
by yawing, but she soon regained it, and, coming up closer than
before, again opened from her bow-chasers a well-directed fire,
which severely wounded her opponent's main-top mast, cross-jack
yard, and one or two other spars; [Footnote: James, vi, 119. He
says the _President_ was within 400 yards.] but shortly afterward
she repeated her former tactics and again lost ground by yawing
to discharge another broadside, even more ineffectual than the
first. Once more she came up closer than ever, and once more yawed;
the single shots from her bow-chasers doing considerable damage,
but her raking broadsides none. [Footnote: Lord Howard Douglass,
"Naval Gunnery," p. 419 (third edition).] Meanwhile the active
crew of the _Belvidera_ repaired every thing as fast as it was
damaged, while under the superintendence of Lieutenants Sykes,
Bruce, and Campbell, no less than 300 shot were fired from her
stern guns. [Footnote: James, vi, 118.] Finding that if the
_President_ ceased yawing she could easily run alongside, Captain
Byron cut away one bower, one stream, and two sheet anchors, the
barge, yawl, gig, and jolly boat, and started 14 tons of water.
The effect of this was at once apparent, and she began to gain;
meanwhile the damage the sails of the combatants had received had
enabled the _Congress_ to close, and when abreast of his consort
Captain Smith opened with his bow-chasers, but the shot fell short.
The _Belvidera_ soon altered her course to east by south, set her
starboard studding-sails, and by midnight was out of danger; and
three days afterward reached Halifax harbor.

Lord Howard Douglass' criticisms on this encounter seem very just.
He says that the President opened very well with her bow-chasers
(in fact the Americans seem to have aimed better and to have done
more execution with these guns than the British with their
stern-chasers); but that she lost so much ground by yawing and
delivering harmless broadsides as to enable her antagonist to
escape. Certainly if it had not been for the time thus lost to no
purpose, the Commodore would have run alongside his opponent, and
the fate of the little 36 would have been sealed. On the other hand
it must be remembered that it was only the bursting of the gun on
board the _President_, causing such direful confusion and loss,
and especially harmful in disabling her commander, that gave the
_Belvidera_ any chance of escape at all. At any rate, whether the
American frigate does, or does not, deserve blame, Captain Byron
and his crew do most emphatically deserve praise for the skill
with which their guns were served and repairs made, the coolness
with which measures to escape were adopted, and the courage with
which they resisted so superior a force. On this occasion Captain
Byron showed himself as good a seaman and as brave a man as he
subsequently proved a humane and generous enemy when engaged in
the blockade of the Chesapeake. [Footnote: Even Niles, unscrupulously
bitter as he is toward the British, does justice to the humanity
of Captains Byron and Hardy--which certainly shone in comparison
to some of the rather buccaneering exploits of Cockburn's followers
in Chesapeake Bay.]

This was not a very auspicious opening of hostilities for America.
The loss of the _Belvidera_ was not the only thing to be regretted,
for the distance the chase took the pursuers out of their course
probably saved the plate fleet. When the _Belvidera_ was first
made out, Commodore Rodgers was in latitude 39° 26' N., and
longitude 71° 10' W.; at noon the same day the _Thalia_ and her
convoy were in latitude 39° N., longitude 62° W. Had they not
chased the _Belvidera_ the Americans would probably have run
across the plate fleet.

The American squadron reached the western edge of the Newfoundland
Banks on June 29th, [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Rodgers, Sept.
1st.] and on July 1st, a little to the east of the Banks, fell in
with large quantities of cocoa-nut shells, orange peels, etc.,
which filled every one with great hopes of overtaking the quarry.
On July 9th, the _Hornet_ captured a British privateer, in latitude
45° 30' N., and longitude 23° W., and her master reported that he
had seen the Jamaica-men the previous evening; but nothing further
was heard or seen of them, and on July 13th, being within twenty
hours' sail of the English Channel, Commodore Rodgers reluctantly
turned southward, reaching Madeira July 21st. Thence he cruised
toward the Azores and by the Grand Banks home, there being
considerable sickness on the ships. On August 31st he reached
Boston after a very unfortunate cruise, in which he had made but
seven prizes, all merchant-men, and had recaptured one American vessel.

On July 3d the _Essex_, 32, Captain David Porter, put out of New
York. As has been already explained she was most inefficiently
armed, almost entirely with carronades. This placed her at the
mercy of any frigate with long guns which could keep at a distance
of a few hundred yards; but in spite of Captain Porter's petitions
and remonstrances he was not allowed to change his armament. On the
11th of July at 2 A. M., latitude 33° N., longitude 66° W., the
_Essex_ fell in with the _Minerva_, 32, Captain Richard Hawkins,
convoying seven transports, each containing about 200 troops, bound
from Barbadoes to Quebec. The convoy was sailing in open order,
and, there being a dull moon, the _Essex_ ran in and cut out
transport No. 299, with 197 soldiers aboard. Having taken out the
soldiers, Captain Porter stood back to the convoy, expecting
Captain Hawkins to come out and fight him; but this the latter
would not do, keeping the convoy in close order around him. The
transports were all armed and still contained in the aggregate
1,200 soldiers. As the _Essex_ could only fight at close quarters
these heavy odds rendered it hopeless for her to try to cut out
the _Minerva_. Her carronades would have to be used at short range
to be effective, and it would of course have been folly to run in
right among the convoy, and expose herself to the certainty of
being boarded by five times as many men as she possessed. The
_Minerva_ had three less guns a side, and on her spar-deck carried
24-pound carronades instead of 32's, and, moreover, had fifty men
less than the _Essex_, which had about 270 men this cruise; on the
other hand, her main-deck was armed with long 12's, so that it is
hard to say whether she did right or not in refusing to fight. She
was of the same force as the _Southampton_ whose captain, Sir James
Lucas Yeo, subsequently challenged Porter, but never appointed a
meeting-place. In the event of a meeting, the advantage, in ships
of such radically different armaments, would have been with that
captain who succeeded in outmanoeuvring the other and in making
the fight come off at the distance best suited to himself. At long
range either the _Minerva_ or _Southampton_ would possess an immense
superiority; but if Porter could have contrived to run up within
a couple of hundred yards, or still better, to board, his superiority
in weight of metal and number of men would have enabled him to carry
either of them. Porter's crew was better trained for boarding than
almost any other American commander's; and probably none of the
British frigates on the American station, except the _Shannon_ and
_Tenedos_, would have stood a chance with the _Essex_ in a
hand-to-hand struggle. Among her youngest midshipmen was one, by
name David Glasgow Farragut, then but thirteen years old, who
afterward became the first and greatest admiral of the United States.
His own words on this point will be read with interest. "Every
day," he says, [Footnote: "Life of Farragut" (embodying his journal
and letters), p. 31. By his son, Loyall Farragut, New York. 1879.]
"the crew were exercised at the great guns, small arms, and single
stick. And I may here mention the fact that I have never been on
a ship where the crew of the old _Essex_ was represented but that
I found them to be the best swordsmen on board. They had been so
thoroughly trained as boarders that every man was prepared for
such an emergency, with his cutlass as sharp as a razor, a dirk
made by the ship's armorer out of a file, and a pistol." [Footnote:
James says: "Had Captain Porter really endeavored to bring the
_Minerva_ to action we do not see what could have prevented the
_Essex_ with her superiority of sailing, from coming alongside of
her. But no such thought, we are sure, entered into Captain Porter's
head." What "prevented the _Essex_" was the _Minerva's_ not
venturing out of the convoy. Farragut, in his journal writes: "The
captured British officers were very anxious for us to have a fight
with the _Minerva_, as they considered her a good match for the
_Essex_, and Captain Porter replied that he should gratify them
with pleasure if his majesty's commander was of their taste. So
we stood toward the convoy and when within gunshot hove to, and
awaited the _Minerva_, but she tacked and stood in among the convoy,
to the utter amazement of our prisoners, who denounced the commander
as a base coward, and expressed their determination to report him
to the Admiralty." An incident of reported "flinching" like this
is not worth mentioning; I allude to it only to show the value of
James' sneers.]

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