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The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella The Catholic, V3

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[21] "Porque la igualidad de la justicia que los bienauenturados Principes
hazian era tal, que todos los hombres de qualquier condicion que fuessen:
aora nobles, y caualleros: aora plebeyos, y labradores, y riejos, o
pobres, flacos, o fuertes, señores, o sieruos en lo que a la justicia
tocaua todos fuessen iguales." Cosas Memorables, fol. 180.

[22] These beneficial changes were made with the advice, and through the
agency of Ximenes. (Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 24.--Quintanilla,
Archetypo, p. 181.) The _alcavala_, a tax of one-tenth on all transfers of
property, produced more than any other branch of the revenue. As it was
originally designed, more than a century before, to furnish funds for the
Moorish war, Isabella, as we have seen in her testament, entertained great
scruples as to the right to continue it, without the confirmation of the
people, after that was terminated. Ximenes recommended its abolition,
without any qualification, to Charles V., but in vain. (Idem auct., ubi
supra.) Whatever be thought of its legality, there can be no doubt it was
one of the most successful means ever devised by a government for
shackling the industry and enterprise of its subjects.

[23] A pragmatic was issued, September 18th, 1495, prescribing the weapons
and the seasons for a regular training of the militia. The preamble
declares, that it was made at the instance of the representatives of the
cities and the nobles, who complained, that, in consequence of the
tranquillity, which the kingdom, through the divine mercy had for some
years enjoyed, the people were very generally unprovided with arms,
offensive or defensive, having sold or suffered them to fall into decay,
insomuch that, in their present condition, they would be found wholly
unprepared to meet either domestic disturbance, or foreign invasion.
(Pragmáticas del Reyno, fol. 83.) What a tribute does this afford, in this
age of violence, to the mild, paternal character of the administration?

[24] The most important were those of Madrigal, in 1476, and of Toledo, in
1480, to which I have often had occasion to refer. "Las mas notables," say
Asso and Mannel, in reference to the latter, "y famosas de este Reynado,
en el qual podemos asegurar, que tuvo principio el mayor aumento, y
arreglo de nuestra Jurisprudencia." (Instituciones, Introd., p. 91.)
Marina notices this cortes with equal panegyric. (Teoría, tom. i. p. 75.)
See also Sempere, Hist. des Cortés, p. 197.

[25] See Part I. Chapters 10, 11, et alibi.

[26] At Valladolid, in 1506. The number of cities having right of
representation, "que acostumbran continuamente embiar procuradores á
cortes," according to Pulgar, was seventeen. (Reyes Católicos, cap. 95.)
This was before Granada was added. Martyr, writing some years after that
event, enumerates only sixteen, as enjoying the privilege. (Opus Epist.,
epist. 460.) Pulgar's estimate, however, is corroborated by the petition
of the cortes of Valladolid, which, with more than usual effrontery, would
limit the representation to eighteen cities, as prescribed "por algunas
leyes é inmemorial uso." Marina, Teoría, tom. i. p. 161.

[27] Many of these _pragmáticas_ purport, in their preambles, to be
made at the demand of cortes; many more at the petition of corporations or
individuals; and many from the good pleasure of the sovereigns, bound to
"remedy all grievances, and provide for the exigencies of the state."
These ordinances very frequently are stated to have been made with the
advice of the royal council. They were proclaimed in the public squares of
the city, in which they were executed, and afterwards in those of the
principal towns in the kingdom. The doctors Asso and Manuel divide
_pragmáticas_ into two classes; those made at the instance of cortes,
and those emanating from the "sovereign, as _supreme legislator_ of
the kingdom, moved by his anxiety for the common weal." "Muchos de este
género," they add, "contiene el libro raro intitulado _Pragmáticas del
Reyno_, que se imprimió la primera vez en Alcalá en 1528." (Instituciones,
Introd., p. 110.) This is an error;--see note 43, infra.

[28] "Por la presente premáticasencion," said John II., in one of his
ordinances, "lo cual todo é cada cosa dello é parte dello quiero é mando é
ordeno que se guarde é compla daqui adelante para siempre jámas en todas
las cibdades é villas é logares non embargante cualesquier leyes é fueros
é derechos é ordenamientos, constituciones é posesiones é premáticas-
senciones, é usos é costumbres, ca en cuanto á est oatañe yo los abrogo é
derogo." (Marina, Teoría, tom. ii. p. 216.) This was the very essence of
despotism, and John found it expedient to retract these expressions, on
the subsequent remonstrance of cortes.

[29] Indeed, it is worthy of remark, as evincing the progress of
civilization under this reign, that most of the criminal legislation is to
be referred to its commencement, while the laws of the subsequent period
chiefly concern the new relations which grow out of an increased domestic
industry. It is in the "Ordenanças Reales," and "Leyes de la Hermandad,"
both published by 1485, that we must look for the measures against
violence and rapine.

[30] Thus, for example, the important criminal laws of the Hermandad, and
the civil code called the "Laws of Toro," were made under the express
sanction of the commons. (Leyes de la Hermandad, fol. l.--Quaderno de las
Leyes y Nuevas Decisiones hechas y ordenadas en la Ciudad de Toro, (Medina
del Campo, 1555,) fol. 49.) Nearly all, if not all, the acts of the
Catholic sovereigns introduced into the famous code of the "Ordenanças
Reales," were passed in the cortes of Madrigal, in 1476, or Toledo, in
1480.

[31] It should be stated, however, that the cortes of Valladolid, in 1506,
two years after the queen's death, enjoined Philip and Joanna to make no
laws without the consent of cortes; remonstrating, at the same time,
against the existence of many royal _pragmáticas_, as an evil to be
redressed. "Y por esto se estableció lei que no hiciesen ni renovasen
leyes sino en cortes. ***** Y porque fuera de esta órden se han hecho
muchas premáticas de que estos vuestros reynos se tienen por agraviados,
manden que aquellas se revean y provean y remedien los agravios que las
tales premáticas tienen." (Marina, Teoría, tom. ii. p. 218.) Whether this
is to be understood of the ordinances of the reigning sovereigns, or their
predecessors, may be doubted. It is certain, that the nation, however it
may have acquiesced in the exercise of this power by the late queen, would
not have been content to resign it to such incompetent hands, as those of
Philip and his crazy wife.

[32] "Liberi patriis legibus, nil imperio Regis gubernantur." Opus Epist.,
epist. 438.

[33] Capmany, however, understates the number, when he limits it to four
sessions only during this whole reign. Práctica y Estilo, p. 62.

[34] See Part II., Chapter 12, note 7, of this History.--"Si quis
aliquid," says Martyr, speaking of a cortes general held at Monzon, by
Queen Germaine, "sibi contra jus illatum putat, aut a regiâ coronâ
quaequam deberi existimat, nunquam dissolvuntur conventus, donec
conquerenti satisfiat, neque Regibus parere in exigendis pecuniis, solent
aliter. Regina quotidie scribit, se vexari eorum petitionibus, nec
exsolvere se quire, quod se maxime optare ostendit. Rex imminentis
necessitatis bellicae vim proponit, ut in aliud tempus querelas differant,
per literas, per nuntios, per ministros, conventum praesidentesque
hortatur monetque, et summissis fere verbis rogare videtur." 1512. (Opus
Epist., epist. 493.) Blancas notices Ferdinand's astuteness, who, instead
of money granted by the Aragonese with difficulty and reservations,
usually applied for troops at once, which were furnished and paid by the
state. (Modo de Proceder, fol. 100, 101.) Zurita tells us, that both the
king and queen were averse to meetings of cortes in Castile oftener than
absolutely necessary, and both took care, on such occasions, to have their
own agents near the deputies, to influence their proceedings. "Todas las
vezes que en lo passado el Rey, y la Reyna doña Isabel llamauan à cortes
en Castilla, temian de las llamar: y despues de llamodos, y ayuntados los
procuradores, ponian tales personas de su parte, que continuamente se
juntassen con ellos; por escusar lo que podria resultar de aquellos
ayuntamientos: y tambien por darles à entender, que no tenian tanto poder,
quanto ellos se imaginauan." (Anales, tom. vi. fol. 96.) This course is as
repugnant to Isabella's character as it is in keeping with her husband's.
Under their joint administration, it is not always easy to discriminate
the part which belongs to each. Their respective characters, and political
conduct in affairs where they were separately concerned, furnish us a
pretty safe clue to our judgment in others.

[35] As, for example, both when he resigned, and resumed the regency. See
Part II., Chapters 17, 20.

[36] In the first cortes after Isabella's death, at Toro, in 1505,
Ferdinand introduced the practice, which has since obtained, of
administering an oath of secrecy to the deputies, as to the proceedings of
the session; a serious wound to popular representation. (Marina, Teoría,
tom. i. p. 273.) Capmany (Práctica y Estilo, p. 232.) errs in describing
this as "un arteficio Maquiavélico inventado por _la política Alemana_."
The German Machiavelism has quite sins enough in this way to answer for.

[37] The introductory law to the "Leyes de Toro" holds this strange
language; "Y porque al rey pertenesce y ha poder de hazer fueros y leyes,
y de las interpretar y emendar donde vieren que cumple," etc. (Leyes de
Toro, fol. 2.) What could John II., or any despot of the Austrian line,
claim more?

[38] See the address of the cortes, in Marina, Teoría, tom. p. 282.

[39] Among the writers repeatedly cited by me, it is enough to point out
the citizen Marina, who has derived more illustrations of his liberal
theory of the constitution from the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella than
from any other; and who loses no opportunity of panegyric on their
"paternal government," and of contrasting it with the tyrannical policy of
later times.

[40] Marina enumerates no less than nine separate codes of civil and
municipal law in Castile, by which the legal decisions were to be
regulated, in Ferdinand and Isabella's time. Ensayo Historico-Critico,
sobre la Antigua Legislacion de Castilla, (Madrid, 1808,) pp. 383-386.--
Asso y Manuel, Instituciones, Introd.

[41] See Part I., Chapter 6, of this History.

[42] "A collection," says senor Clemencin, "of the last importance, and
indispensable to a right understanding of the spirit of Isabella's
government, but, nevertheless, little known to Castilian writers, not
excepting the most learned of them." (Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi.
Ilust. 9.) No edition of the _Pragmáticas_ has appeared since the
publication of Philip II.'s "Nueva Recopilacion," in 1567, in which a
large portion of them are embodied. The remainder having no further
authority, the work has gradually fallen into oblivion. But, whatever be
the cause, the fact is not very creditable to professional science in
Spain.

[43] The earliest edition was at Alcalá de Henares, printed by Lanzalao
Polono, in 1503. It was revised and prepared for the press by Johan
Ramirez, secretary of the royal council, from whom the work is often
called "Pragmáticas de Ramirez." It passed through several editions by
1550. Clemencin (ubi supra) enumerates five, but his list is incomplete,
as the one in my possession, probably the second, has escaped his notice.
It is a fine old folio, in black letter, containing in addition some
ordinances of Joanna, and the "Laws of Toro," in 192 folios. On the last
is this notice by the printer. "Fue ympressa la presente obra en la muy
noble y muy leal cibdad de Senilla, por Juan Varela ympressor de libros.
Acabose a dos dias del mes de otubre de mill y quinientos y veynte años."
The first leaf after the table of contents exhibits the motives of its
publication. "E porqué como algunas de ellas (pragmáticas sanciones é
cartas) ha mucho tiempo que se dieron, é otras se hicieron en diversos
tiempos, estan derramadas por muchas partes, no se saben por todos, é aun
muchas de las dichas justicias no tienen comlida noticia de todas ellas,
paresciendo ser necesario é provechoso; mandamos fi los del nuestro
consejo que las hiciesen juntar é corregir é impremir," etc.

[44] "Leyes de Toro," say Asso and Manuel, "veneradas tanto desde
entonces, que se les dió el primer lugar de valimiento sobre todas las del
Reyno." Instituciones, Introd. p. 95.

[45] See the sensible memorial of Jovellanos, "Informe al Real y Supremo
Consejo en el Expediente de Ley Agraria." Madrid, 1795.

There have been several editions of this code, since the first of 1505.
(Marina, Ensayo, No. 450.) I have copies of two editions, in black letter,
neither of them known to Marina; one, above noticed, printed at Seville,
in 1520; and the other at Medina del Campo, in 1555, probably the latest.
The laws were subsequently incorporated in the "Nueva Recopilacion."

[46] "Esta ley," says Jovellanos, "que los jurisconsultos llaman a boca
llena injusta y barbara, lo es mucho mas por la extension quelos
pragmaticas le dieron en sus comentarios." (Informe, p. 76, nota.) The
edition of Medina del Campo, in 1555, is swelled by the commentaries of
Miguel de Cifuentes, till the text, in the language of bibliographers,
looks like "cymba in oceano."

[47] Ante, Part I., Chapter 6.

[48] Leyes del Quaderno Nuevo de las Rentas de las Alcavalas y Franquezas,
hecho en la Vega de Granada, (Salamanca, 1550); a little code of 37
folios, containing 147 laws for the regulation of the crown rents. It was
made in the Vega of Granada, December 10th, 1491. The greater part of
these laws, like so many others of this reign, have been admitted into the
"Nueva Recopilacion."

[49] the head of these, undoubtedly, must be placed Dr. Alfonso Diaz de
Montalvo, noticed more than once in the course of this History. He
illustrated three successive reigns by his labors, which he continued to
the close of a long life, and after he had become blind. The Catholic
sovereigns highly appreciated his services, and settled a pension on him
of 30,000 maravedies. Besides his celebrated compilation of the
"Ordenancas Reales," he wrote commentaries on the ancient code of the
"Fuero Real," and on the "Siete Partidas," printed for the first time
under his own eye, in 1491. (Mendez, Typographia Espanola, p. 183.) Marina
(Ensayo, p. 405) has bestowed a beautiful eulogium on this venerable
lawyer, who first gave to light the principal Spanish codes, and
introduced a spirit of criticism into the national jurisprudence.

[50] This gigantic work was committed, wholly or in part, to Dr. Lorenzo
Galindez de Carbajal. He labored many years on it, but the results of his
labors, as elsewhere noticed, have never been communicated to the public.
See Asso y Manuel, Instituciones, pp. 50, 99.--Marina, Ensayo, pp. 392,
406, and Clemencin, whose Ilust. 9 exhibits a most clear and satisfactory
view of the legal compilations under this reign.

[51] Lord Bacon's comment on Henry VII.'s laws, might apply with equal
force to these of Ferdinand and Isabella. "Certainly his times for good
commonwealth's laws did excel. ***** For his laws, whoso marks them well,
are deep, and not vulgar; not made upon the spur of a particular occasion
for the present, but out of providence of the future, to make the estate
of his people still more and more happy; after the manner of the
legislators in ancient and heroical times." Hist. of Henry VII., Works,
(ed. 1819,) vol. v. p. 60.

[52] Ante, Part I., Chapter 6.

[53] Pragmáticas del Reyno, fol. 24, 30, 39.--Recop. de las Leyes, (ed.
1640,) tom. i. lib. 2, tit. 5, leyes 1, 2, 3, 11, 12, 20; tit. 7, ley 1.--
Ordenanças Reales, lib. 2. tit. 4. The southern chancery, first opened at
Ciudad Real, in 1494, was subsequently transferred by the sovereigns to
Granada.

[54] Ante, Part I., Chapter 7, note 39.

[55] Ante, Part I., Chapter 6, note 34.

[56] Riol, Informe, apud Seminario Erudito, tom. iii. p. 149.--It
consisted of a vice chancellor, as president, and six ministers, two from
each of the three provinces of the crown. It was consulted by the king on
all appointments and matters of government. The Italian department was
committed to a separate tribunal, called the council of Italy, in 1556.
Capmany (Mem. de Barcelona, tom. iv. Apend. 17) has explained at length
the functions and authority of this institution.

[57] See the nature and broad extent of these powers, in Recop. de Leyes
de las Indias, tom. i. lib. 2, tit. 2, leyes 1, 2.--Also Solorzano,
Politica Indiana, tom. ii. lib. 5, cap. 15; who goes no further back than
the remodelling of this tribunal under Charles V.--Riol, Informe, apud
Semanario Erudito, tom. iii. pp. 159, 160.

The third volume of the Semanario Erudito, pp. 73-233, contains a report,
drawn up, by command of Philip V., in 1726, by Don Santiago Augustin Riol,
on the organization and state of the various tribunals, civil and
ecclesiastical, under Ferdinand and Isabella; together with an account of
the papers contained in their archives. It is an able memorial, replete
with curious information. It is singular that this interesting and
authentic document should have been so little consulted, considering the
popular character of the collection in which it is preserved. I do not
recollect ever to have met with a reference to it in any author. It was by
mere accident, in the absence of a general index, that I stumbled on it in
the _mare magnum_ in which it is engulfed.

[58] "Pusieron los Reyes Católicos," says the penetrating Mendoza, "el
govierno de la justicia, i cosas públicas en manos de Letrados, gente
media entre los grandes i pequeños, sin ofensa de los linos ni de los
otros. Cuya profesion eran letras legales, comedimiento, secreto, verdad,
vida liana, i sin corrupcion de costumbres." Guerre de Granada, p. 15.

[59] Granada, September 3d, Pragmáticas del Reyno, fol. 135.--A pragmatic
of similar import was issued by Henry III. Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages,
tom, i., Introd. p. 46.

[60] Granada, August 11th, 1501. Pragmáticas del Reyno, fol. 137.

[61] Alfaro, November 10th, 1495. Ibid., fol. 136.

[62] See a number of these, collected by Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages,
Introd. pp. 43, 44.

[63] Cited by Robertson, History of America, vol. iii. p. 305.

[64] The fleet fitted out against the Turks, in 1482, consisted of seventy
sail, and that under Gonsalvo, in 1500, of sixty, large and small. (Ante,
Part I., Chapter 6: Part II., Chapter 10.) See other expeditions,
enumerated by Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, tom. i. p. 50.

[65] Cura de los Palacios, MS., cap. 153; who, indeed, estimates the
complement of this fleet at 25,000 men; a round number, which must
certainly include persons of every description. The Invincible Armada
consisted, according to Dunham, of about 130 vessels, large and small,
20,000 soldiers, and 8,000 seamen. (History of Spain and Portugal, vol. v.
p. 59.) The estimate falls below that of most writers.

[66] En el real de la vega de Granada, December 20th. (Pragmáticas del
Reyno, fol. 133.) "Y les apercibays," enjoins the ordinance, "que los
marauedis porque los vendieren los ban de sacar de nuestros reynos en
mercadurias: y ni en oro ni en plata ni en moneda amonedada de manera que
no pueden pretender ygnorancia: y den fianças lianas y abonadas de lo
fazer y cumplir assi: y si fallaredes que sacan o lieuan oro o plata o
moneda contra el tenor y forma de las dichas leyes y desta nuestra carta
mandamos vos que gelo torneys: y sea perdido como las dichas leyes mandan,
y demas cayan y incurran en las penas en las leyes de nuestros reynos
contenidas contra los que sacan oro o plata o moneda fuera dellos sin
nuestra licencia y mandado: las quales executad en ellosy en sus
fiadores."

[67] Pragmáticas del Reyno, fol. 92, 134.--These laws were as old as the
fourteenth century in Castile, and had been renewed by every succeeding
monarch, from the time of John I. (Ordenanças Reales, lib. 6, tit. 9,
leyes 17-22.) Similar ones were passed under the contemporary princes,
Henry VII. and Henry VIII. of England, James IV. of Scotland, etc.

[68]--"Balucis malleator Hispanae," says Martial, noticing the noise made
by the gold-beaters, hammering out the Spanish ore, as one of the chief
annoyances which drove him from the capital, (lib. 12, ep. 57.) See also
the precise statement of Pliny, cited Part I., Chapter 8, of this History.

[69] "Porque haciéndose ansí al modo é costumbre de los dichos senores
Reyes pasados, cesarán los inmensos gastos y sin provecho que la mesa é
casa de S. M. se hacen; pues el daño desto notoriamente paresce porque se
halla en el plato real y en los platos que se hacen á los privados é
criados de su casa gastarse cada mio dia ciento y cincuenta mil maravedís;
y los Católicos Reyes D. Hernando é Dona Isabel, seyendo tan excelentes y
tan poderosos, en su plato y en el plato del principe D. Joan que haya
glória, é de las señoras infantas con gran número y multitud de damas no
se gastar cada un dia, seyetido mui abastados como de tales Reyes, mas de
doce á quince mil maravedís." Peticion de la Junta de Tordesillas, October
20, 1520, apud Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 230.

[70] In 1493; repeated in 1501. Recop. de las Leyes, tom. ii. fol. 3.--In
1502. Pragmáticas del Reyno, fol. 139.

[71] At Segovia, September 2d; also in 1496 and 1498. Pragmáticas del
Reyno, fol. 123, 125, 126.

[72] At Granada, in 1499.--This on petition of cortes, in the year
preceding. Sempere, in his sensible "Historia del Luxo," has exhibited the
series of the manifold sumptuary laws in Castile. It is a history of the
impotent struggle of authority, against the indulgence of the innocent
propensities implanted in our nature, and naturally increasing with
increasing wealth and civilization.

[73] En la nombrada y gran ciudad de Granada, Agosto 20. Pragmáticas del
Reyno, fol. 135.

[74] Pragmáticas del Reyno, passim.--Diccionario Geográfico-Hist. de
España, tom. i. p. 333--Capmany, Mem. de Barcelona, tom. iii. part 3, cap.
2.--Mines of lead, copper, and silver were wrought extensively in
Guipuzcoa and Biscay.--Col. de Céd., tom. i. no. 25.

[75] Pragmáticas del Reyno, fol. 127, 128.--Ante, Part II., Chapter 3,
note 12.--The cortes of Toledo, in 1525, complained, "que habia tantos
caballos Españoles en Francia como en Castilla." (Mem. de la Acad. de
Hist., tom. vi. p. 285.) The trade, however, was contraband; the laws
against the exportation of horses being as ancient as the time of Alfonso
XI. (See also Ordenanças Reales, fol. 85, 86.)

Laws can never permanently avail against national prejudices. Those in
favor of mules have been so strong in the Peninsula, and such the
consequent decay of the fine breed of horses, that the Spaniards have been
compelled to supply themselves with the latter from abroad. Bourgoanne
reckons that 20,000 were annually imported into the country from France,
at the close of the last century. Travels in Spain, tom. i. chap. 4.

[76] Hist. del Luxo, tom. i. p. 170.--"Tiene muchas ouejas," says Marineo,
"cuya lana estan singular, que no solamente se aprouechan della en España,
mas tambien se lleua en abundancia a otras partes." (Cosas Memorables,
fol. 3.) He notices especially the fine wool of Molina, in whose territory
400,000 sheep pastured, fol. 19.

[77] Mem. de Barcelona, tom. iii. pp. 338, 339.--"Or if ever exported," he
adds, "it was at some period long posterior to the discovery of America."

[78] Pragmáticas del Reyno, passim.--Many of them were designed to check
impositions, too often practised in the manufacture and sale of goods, and
to keep them up to a fair standard.

[79] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 11.

[80] Ibid., fol. 19.--Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 26.--The Venetian minister,
however, pronounces them inferior to the silks of his own country.

[81] "Proueyda," says Marineo, "de todos officios, y artes mecánicas que
en ella se exercitan mucho: y principalmente en lanor, y exercicio de
lanas, y sedas. Por las quales dos cosas biuen en esta ciudad mas de diez
mil personas. Es de mas desto la ciudad muy rica, por los grandes tratos
de mercadurias." Cosas Memorables, fol. 12.

[82] Ibid., fol. 15.--Navagiero, a more parsimonious eulogist, remarks,
nevertheless, "Sono in Valladolid assai artefici di ogni sorte, e se vi
lavora benessimo de tutte le arti, e sopra tutto d'Argenti, e vi son tanti
argenteri quanti non sono in due altre terre." Viaggio, fol. 35.

[83] Geron. Paulo, a writer at the close of the fifteenth century, cited
by Capmany, Mem. de Barcelona, tom. i. part. 3, p. 23.

[84] The twentieth Ilustracion of Señor Clemencin's invaluable compilation
contains a table of prices of grain, in different parts of the kingdom,
under Ferdinand and Isabella. Take, for example, those of Andalusia. In
1488, a. year of great abundance, the _fanega_ of wheat sold in Andalusia
for 50 maravedies; in 1489 it rose to 100; in 1505, a season of great
scarcity, to 375, and even 600; in 1508, it was at 306; and in 1509, it
had fallen to 85 maravedies. Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. pp. 551,
552.

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